both queer men and women, with queer women
getting 30% less callbacks if their resume contained a
queer indicator, in contrast with the likelihood of
receiving callbacks from the submission of the
resume that is rid of queer inclinations but otherwise
unaltered (Mishel, 2016). The queer community also
faced differential treatment in the assignment of
earnings. The queer community faces a smaller
labour market with the extra constraint of
discriminatory employers that refuse to hire them
(Torres ‐ Castro & Morales-Villena, 2025).
Therefore, the remaining enterprises could exploit
this asymmetry between labour supply and demand
by lowering wages for queer employees and still
receive applications simply because of their
willingness to hire.
Stereotypical placement into professional fields
based on the queer sexual identity and orientation is a
common occurrence. Ironically, women who do not
comply with traditional societal expectations of
heterosexual attraction or binary self-identification of
gender are better able to initiate breakthroughs in
conventionally male-dominated industries and
receive a higher income than cisgender, heterosexual
women because of the stereotypical impression of
them being "more masculine" (Black et al., 2003).
The advantages of such misconceptions are quickly
subverted by the creation of a prejudiced and toxic
workplace environment accustomed to misogynistic
misgendering and denial of the feminine qualities of
those queer women employees (Black et al., 2003). In
comparison, queer men experience marginalisation
and contempt for their lack of masculinity and are
therefore shut off from job opportunities (Black et al.,
2003). Queer men taking up the domestic role within
homosexual marriages are therefore unable to work
(Black et al., 2003). The queer community, in its
ability to reverse traditional societal roles and detach
qualities of "domesticity", "breadwinner" from
assignments via gender faced wide incomprehension
from the wide public, leading to marginalisation and
a lack of accommodation in their chosen professional
field.
2.2 Development of Legal Regulations
There has been a void in specific and targeted federal
measures against discrimination based on sexual
orientation or gender identity. Proposals to amend the
1964 Civil Rights Act have not been addressed and
responded to formally (Eskridge, 2017). Proposed
federal protections ensuring workplace equality for
the queer employee have a history of repeated failure,
and no proposals have been successfully materialised
on the federal level. Historical attempts include the
Equality Act of 1974 and the Civil Rights
Amendment of 1975 (Eskridge, 2017).
The regulation of workplace discrimination
against the queer community also seems to have
returned to its starting point. Initially, judicial practice
did not recognise the applicability of the relevant
provisions of the Civil Rights Act to queer
individuals. Legal precedents of Holloway v. Arthur
Andersen and Company (1977), as well as Desantis
v. Pacific Telephone and Telegraph Company (1979)
have seen the Supreme Court's rigidity in abiding
strictly the "traditional sex notion" and defining
narrowly the causes of sex discrimination as "on the
basis of gender", refusing any judicial extension to
include the cause of "sexual preference". Marginal
softening of the Supreme Court's stance and attitude
slowly proceeded with the legitimisation of same sex
harassment in the legal precedent of "Oncale v.
Sundowner Offshore Services, Inc. " (1998).
Into the 21st century, a more extended
interpretation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act has
been gradually accepted by the legislative authorities
including the US Supreme Court and the EEOC. The
more contemporary judicial interpretation includes
certain categories of non-binary sexual orientation
and gender identity in "the protected class......by sex"
as stated in the Act (Civil Rights Act, 1964). The US
Supreme Court officially established this
understanding in its 2020 ruling of R.G. & G.R.
Harris Funeral Homes Inc. v. Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC), whereby the
employer is penalised for terminating employment on
the basis of transgender or transitioning status of the
employee and her refusal to conform to sex-based
stereotypes. Below the federal level, 22 states, 3
territories and D.C. areas have explicit state laws
forbidding discrimination based on sexual orientation
and gender identity (Movement Advancement
Project, 2020).
However, an executive presidential order in
January 2025 "defines sex as an immutable binary
biological classification" and replaces "gender
identity" with "gender ideology" to represent "a
spectrum of gender separate from one's sex" (Trump,
2025). The executive presidential action has not only
imposed restrictions upon occasions where an
individual's self-proclaimed gender identity will be
recognised in place of their biological sex, but also
introduced new vocabulary in defining the queerness