Cosplay and Chinese Social Order: Tension and Compromise

Boyang Zhang

Department of History, Faculty of Arts and Social Science, National University of Singapore, Singapore

Keywords: Cosplay, Social Order, Identity, Appearance Politics.

Abstract: Cosplay, as a cultural phenomenon, is viewed as a tangible reflection of contemporary youth's desire to escape

reality and explore unconventional ideas in the collectivist values championed by mainstream Confucianism.

This article illustrates why Cosplay can coexist relatively harmoniously with the existing Chinese social order,

despite the inherent tensions and conflicts between these two realms. By employing Foucault's theory of

"docile bodies and power" alongside ethnographic field research, the author aims to reveal that the coexistence

of Cosplay within the contemporary Chinese social system is facilitated by the fact that under the constraints

of Confucian appearance politics and the personal identity conveyed through appearance, a dynamic

relationship emerges between Cosplay and traditional social values. This relationship can establish a

foundation for mutual compromise, despite underlying confrontations. By doing so, it reduces friction

between the two sides to a manageable level while fulfilling the requirements of power dynamics and

supervision.

1 INTRODUCTION

Cosplay, which originated to describe costume

enthusiasts, refers to individuals who dress as

fictional characters. This phenomenon began in the

1970s alongside the rise of the doujinshi market,

which includes hobby magazines and comics. In

contemporary culture, particularly with the rapid

connectivity of the Internet, cosplay now

encompasses the practices of dressing up and

embodying characters from manga (Japanese

comics), anime (animated shows), tokusatsu (special

effects films or television series), and video games

(Dyer, 2021). This vibrant cultural activity,

influenced by Japanese, European, and American

comics, was introduced to China in the 1990s.

Although it has matured over nearly four decades, the

reception in China has been mixed. While cosplay

enjoys popularity among younger audiences to some

extent, it has often faced challenges in being entirely

accepted within the East Asian social framework,

which is primarily influenced by Confucian

traditions.

China's moral framework, rooted in Confucianism,

sets it apart from cultures abroad. However, as a

widely recognized cultural expression in the modern

era, Cosplay must confront the influence of

Confucian values. Therefore, a contradiction between

the two sides appears. On the one hand, cosplay,

which serves as a distinctive form of self-

identification and allows individuals to express their

identities within groups, often reflects a

dissatisfaction with mainstream societal values.

Consequently, when Cosplay publicly showcases the

logic behind these behaviors, it is viewed as a

challenge to the traditional Confucian social order,

which acts as a judge of public behavior. As a result,

Cosplay faces stringent restrictions and censorship

and is frequently demonized in the Chinese social

order. However, on the other hand, behind the

apparent conflict lies a vastly different narrative. The

development of cosplay in China is progressing at an

impressive pace, bolstered significantly by

government support. In 2024, notable exhibitions

such as the "BiliBili World" and the China

International Digital Interactive Entertainment Expo

(China Joy) will debut in Shanghai, showcasing

cosplay as a central highlight. These events, set in the

city's renowned business districts, are anticipated to

attract substantial foot traffic and enhance

international interest (Shanghai Observer, 2025).

Furthermore, data analysis from the China Research

Institute of Industry indicates that the scale and

audience for China's animation industry are poised

118

Zhang, B.

Cosplay and Chinese Social Order: Tension and Compromise.

DOI: 10.5220/0014298100004859

Paper published under CC license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Politics, Law, and Social Science (ICPLSS 2025), pages 118-131

ISBN: 978-989-758-785-6

for continued growth. Young people are eager to

queue for tickets to experience the diverse styles of

various cosplayers. With support from their families

and the government, they increasingly enhance their

spending power in the two-dimensional realm

represented by cosplay (China IRN, 2024). This stark

contrast prompts us to ask an important question:

Why do such differing views on cosplay exist within

the same social system? More specifically, how can

cosplay evolve quickly and coexist harmoniously

alongside a strict Confucian-oriented social order?

The significance of this study lies in its expansion

of the field of appearance politics and its exploration

of how identity, as represented by appearance, adapts

to varying social contexts. For many scholars,

appearance is intricately linked to social norms.

Individuals often utilize their appearance to signal or

aspire to a particular identity, thereby fostering a

sense of pride within that group. Appearance politics

broadens this idea to encompass how society and

government exert control over personal identity as

communicated through appearances. Typically, to

further the goals of foreign trade politics, social

authorities manipulate narratives and visuals,

managing the interpretation of these appearances to

seek legitimacy. This manipulation manifests in

official resumes, photographs, statues, and

propaganda posters (Lu, 2016). In examining the role

of Cosplay within a social order primarily influenced

by Confucian values, this article adopts an objective

stance to analyze how Chinese social authorities

employ both implicit and explicit measures--whether

coercive or non-coercive-- to promote Cosplay as a

suitable means of reinforcing the legitimacy of the

traditional social order. At the same time, the author

hopes to use this perspective to examine how Chinese

social values adjust their positions and compatible

elements to seek reconciliation with Cosplay, or even

to compromise with each other to create mutual

benefits. Similarly, the original intention of shaping

self-identity through dressing in accordance with

one's personality is not dictated by external influences

such as societal expectations or the opinions of others.

Instead, it is motivated by internal factors, including

personal desires and interests (Sun et al. 2011). By

adapting anime characters, individuals not only shape

their identity but also respond to the transformation

of cosplay itself in various ways due to social

situations. Consequently, it is essential to examine the

dynamics of how the personal value orientation

represented by Cosplay interacts with the mainstream

value system of Chinese society. Due to social

reality's complexity, cosplayers can subtly resist

regulatory power by adopting an identity that differs

from the mainstream social system or actively

embrace social order and break free from its

constraints. Therefore, this article aims to explore

both the challenges and opportunities that the identity

represented by Cosplay faces as it seeks to integrate

into the Chinese social framework.

Both Cosplay and the social environment need to

identify the inherent sources of tension and the

potential for positive compromise in their

interactions. However, the following two

perspectives diverge from this premise to some

extent. First, within the framework of

postcolonialism, Cosplay is seen as needing to

transcend the narrative context and definitions

imposed by colonialism. Consequently, Bai (2024)

argues that Cosplay is often misinterpreted as an anti-

social youth subculture characterized by being anti-

social, excessively self-aware, and inclined to escape

reality. However, the fact is that Chinese Cosplay

participants do not aim to reject the mainstream

narrative by creating an imaginary utopia, as

explained by the colonial context. This stance asserts

that there is no inherent conflict between cosplay and

the social system, with scholars striving to define

cosplay as a "pure" form of self-expression, free from

secular influences. Individuals choose their attire

based on personalized criteria, independent of

external factors. Besides, many scholars argue that

individuals engaging with the second dimension often

demonstrate a lack of political or critical aspirations

by adhering to patriarchal Confucianism and the

pervasive norms of consumerism. They view Cosplay

as a transitional space that bridges the realms of art

and personal desire, oscillating between the material

and immaterial worlds. This fictional and intangible

practice can be overlooked by the mainstream social

system that scrutinizes Cosplay only when deemed

necessary (Jacobs, 2010, 2013) (Fung et al, 2019).

This perspective argues that the harmonious

coexistence of cosplay and the social system within

Confucian culture is due to cosplay's adaptation and

submission. In this view, cosplayers serve as passive

recipients of social order, consistently navigating

censorship and oversight from higher authorities to

mitigate potential threats to their practice.

Whether one dismisses the connection between

Cosplay and social reality, merely perceiving it as a

clothing preference, or staunchly believes that

Cosplay serves as a significant compromiser of the

social system, there exists a degree of overconfidence

Cosplay and Chinese Social Order: Tension and Compromise

119

regarding the transformation of foreign elements

through local culture. This perspective may foster the

assumption that the personal identity reflected in

appearance will invariably align closely with societal

norms. Local culture can assist foreign elements in

crafting local narratives to some extent and expedite

their integration into social reality. Still, it cannot

entirely eliminate the inherent meanings associated

with their places of origin. In other words, even after

undergoing the transformation and practice of

Sinicization, Cosplay will still retain elements from

Japanese and Western comics that are often perceived

as "anti-Confucian." This characteristic allows

participants the freedom and resources to express

their identity. As a means of identity expression,

Cosplay can foster a personalized identity distinct

from the mainstream ideology of Chinese society,

rather than compelling individuals to conform their

values to the dominant narrative. Therefore,

alongside exploring foreign trade politics and identity

as conveyed through appearance, the author seeks to

address gaps in previous research by examining the

"foreign culture" inherent in Cosplay and discussing

its tension and potential reconciliation with China's

Confucian social system.

In summary, this paper will be organized into three

sections to address the aforementioned issues and to

address the gaps left by prior academic work related

to cosplay. First, the author will provide a

comprehensive overview of the research methods and

theoretical foundations underpinning this study. The

ethnographic field investigation method, along with

Foucault's concept of the "docile body," will be

thoroughly explained. Subsequently, the author will

conduct interviews with cosplayers in Greater China

to gather valuable insights, integrating these findings

with theoretical frameworks to explore the

fundamental tension between cosplay and the

prevailing social system, as well as the potential for

compromise between the two.

2 RESEARCH

METHODOLOGIES

The primary research method employed in this paper

is a quasi-ethnographic approach aimed at

understanding the behaviors and experiences of

cosplayers, which serves as valuable data support.

This method is particularly suitable for the study, as

it allows ethnographers to gain insider perspectives

through interviews and observations. In this context,

the author conducted in-depth interviews with 15

cosplayers, all selected from cities in Greater China

renowned for their vibrant cosplay culture, including

Hong Kong, Wuhan, Hangzhou, Chengdu, Beijing,

and Shanghai. The demographics of the interviewees

vary significantly, encompassing a wide range of

occupations from college students to employed

professionals, and their income levels also differ

markedly. Most interviewees used nicknames in the

second dimension for Cosplay to protect their

privacy. While the author was transparent about the

research purpose, cosplayers tended to be cautious

when discussing sensitive topics. Consequently, the

author approached these subjects gently, modifying

questions and providing appropriate explanations.

Additionally, the author leveraged the personal

networks of the interviewed cosplayers to broaden the

sample selection, as they were eager to share their

experiences and encouraged their fellow "comrades"

to also voice their perspectives publicly.

This article employs Foucault's conceptual

framework of the "docile body" as a foundation for

analyzing ethnographic interview data. Foucault

examines the interplay between power and the body,

particularly focusing on the relationship between the

two and the rise of "educational power" within the

context of modernity. He argues that the body

becomes a central element of power dynamics in

contemporary society. Unlike in pre-modern

societies, where power operated through external

markings, modern power seeks to cultivate a form of

self-control within individuals. (Foucault, 1995)

Consequently, the educational mechanisms in place

produce what Foucault describes as the "docile

body." In the realm of Cosplay, the docile body

represented by participants becomes a malleable

entity. It is shaped by constraints, disciplinary

practices, and discursive structures aimed at

achieving productive and standardized outcomes.

Discourse plays a crucial role in shaping thought

patterns within specific temporal and spatial contexts,

influencing how we manage our bodies. Our physical

existence is intertwined with our capacity for

expression; we are not only tangible beings but also

creators of meaning (Lysaught, 2009). Thus, when

considering docile bodies in the context of cosplay, it

is essential to contextualize all players themselves;

their performances, behaviors, and thoughts are

considered part of the "docile body" mentioned in the

arguments below. This was done by examining the

influence of institutional power, such as national and

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120

social authorities, and the effects of productivity,

including those arising from cultural digitization and

the neoliberal economy.

However, Foucault (1995) argues that the

relationship between power and the body is not as

straightforward as assuming that the body will

inevitably yield to the forces of power. Rather, the

concept of the body extends beyond mere physical

existence; whether it can be transformed into a

"docile body" also raises questions about subjectivity.

Individuals have the capacity to employ a variety of

techniques to manage their bodies and minds, thereby

cultivating their unique identities. These practices can

include meditation, exercise, and self-reflection,

alongside the development of aesthetic and moral

emotions. Consequently, "self-care" serves as a

means for cosplayers to resist institutional power,

fostering a sense of autonomy and self-determination.

They must continually enhance and maximize the

realization of their values in an environment

characterized by relentless commercialization and

materialism.

3 TENSION BETWEEN COSPLAY

AND CHINESE SOCIAL ORDER

Despite ongoing dilution, the internal contradiction

between Cosplay and the social order shaped by

traditional Chinese Confucianism remains evident.

This tension fundamentally arises from the clash

between the self-discipline of the "docile body,"

influenced by political power, and the body's self-

awareness. The Chinese Confucian social framework

seeks to regulate Cosplay participants' "proper"

development as "bodies" through sustained, repeated,

and non-violent control. In response, these

participants strive to resist the subtle shaping imposed

by mainstream societal values and forge their

meanings. This section will first explore the internal

logic of Confucian appearance politics to illustrate the

mechanisms of regulatory power. Subsequently, the

author will draw on ethnographic interview data to

demonstrate that the tension between regulation and

the regulated is inescapable.

3.1 Confucian Appearance Politics

The foundation of Confucianism's concept of

appearance politics is its belief that a person's

outward appearance is connected to their inner self.

Thus, by observing someone's appearance, one can

discern whether they possess genuine truth in their

heart. Xunzi (2025) argued that the external

appearance of text and its emotional function are

interconnected. The ritual system uses external items,

such as money and goods, as tools to establish a

distinction between what is considered noble and

humble. It also employs a system of rituals and

morals to differentiate between these categories, with

the level of enjoyment associated with each serving

as a marker of their divergence. Xunzi's teachings

outline the fundamental prerequisites for embodying

Confucian rituals: appearance serves as the

foundation, while the hierarchy is the ultimate goal.

To attain the status of a gentleman, one must first

cultivate the "legal appearance." This entails

rectifying and honoring one's appearance in

accordance with established etiquette, as well as

adhering to the objective principles appropriate to

one' s rank to fulfill both political and moral

responsibilities. Only by doing so can one manifest a

solemn and respectable manner of rituals.

The analysis presented above convincingly

demonstrates that the social order characterized by

Confucianism inherently politicizes appearance. By

attributing sociopolitical significance to external

appearances, Confucianism establishes a favorable

evaluation of certain styles while marginalizing those

that do not align with mainstream social values. Role-

playing, often regarded as a subculture or a deviation

from the dominant culture, is frequently classified as

"low culture" and perceived as a threat to "high

culture" aesthetics within the cultural hierarchy. This

subcultural expression can be viewed as a symbolic

challenge to the conventional notions of beauty

prevalent in public discourse. The unconventional

attire and exaggerated makeup associated with such

expressions defy the stringent expectations of

seriousness and respectability in public, necessitating

scrutiny and judgment from higher social ranks (Xu,

2004). The appearance politics governed by

Confucianism effectively become a politics of

respect. The solemnity dictated by clothing serves as

a "scare tactic" to ensure governmental stability and

societal peace. Once the public internalizes this

expectation, it fosters a self-reinforcing vigilance.

Consequently, an orderly and tranquil society is

structured according to a valued hierarchy.

3.2 Supervision from the Chinese

Social Order

Since the 1980s, China has strategically developed

Cosplay and Chinese Social Order: Tension and Compromise

121

and regulated its pop music, animation, comics, and

fashion industries. This approach has been extended

to Cosplay, marking a new era of cultural expression.

Cosplay and its associated industries possess

unrestricted content, substantial grassroots support,

and significant global acceptance. According to

Foucault's theory, the docile body is subjected to

institutional powers, such as the state and educational

or correctional systems, and the productivity of

related industries and platforms, which impose

discursive discipline and normalization in public

spaces and among consumers. For the "docile body,"

state power operates in a bottom-up, capillary

fashion, leading to many forms of opposition derived

from the diverse power relations within society

(Foucault, 1995). Consequently, Chinese social

values have shifted away from direct repression and

passive censorship, opting instead for a more

comprehensive, patient, and experimental approach

to control and shape Cosplay and its industry. This

strategy can be classified into two primary forms:

First, Chinese Confucianism seeks to cultivate

Cosplay practitioners personally. This encompasses

tasks such as establishing Cosplay-related industries,

capturing market share, providing content through

official media channels, and training talented

individuals to become future content creators.

Second, Chinese Confucianism gently supervises and

regulates the culture. This involves suppressing

threatening products, managing disobedient

participants through relatively mild means, and

steering fan network activities toward non-political or

pro-government domains (Chew, 2023).

In response to the growing popularity of Cosplay,

the government's primary strategy has been to

sponsor and organize large-scale anime exhibitions.

Such exhibitions have been held in China since the

late 1990s, though they initially drew only a few

thousand attendees. Starting in the mid-2000s, the

state progressively tightened its control over cosplay

activities during these events. Qianchen, a cosplayer

from Liaocheng, Shandong, affirmed this

development:

"Government participation is essential for anime

exhibitions and cosplay events in Shandong. I recall

that last year's Taishan Animation Festival started

with the mayor and other leaders giving work reports,

and higher-level officials also participated in the

inspections. These kinds of activities are quite

‘

Red'

in Shandong. Personally, I prefer not to participate in

cosplay at anime exhibitions because I feel a sense of

restraint and psychological tension."

Through Qianchen's insights, the author conveys a

nuanced message: as a significant public venue, the

comic exhibition serves as a platform for Cosplay

participants to engage with the tangible, three-

dimensional world. Accordingly, the Chinese social

order subtly fosters a "proper" cultural atmosphere at

comic exhibitions by investing in funding and

infrastructure while establishing informal guidelines

for producing suitable content. For instance, during

the Taishan Animation Festival referenced by

Qianchen, numerous government officials

highlighted the importance and rationale behind

integrating traditional Chinese Confucian culture

with the two-dimensional realm in their speeches.

Feng Nengbin, deputy mayor of Tai'an City,

remarked, "If Taishan is secure, the entire world will

be secure. The profound culture of Taishan serves as

a continual source of strength for the growth of

emerging industries such as animation, which in turn

provides communication and influence to the

former." Additionally, the distinct intellectual

properties of the Taishan Cultural Festival, such as

Taishan Boy and Taishan Da Ni, symbolize the

foundational values of Confucian culture, including

courage in the face of adversity, kindness, and

wisdom (Chinese Ministry of Culture and Tourism,

2024). These traditional Chinese social values,

intertwined with Cosplay elements, are a product of

the country's institutional strategies. They reflect the

Confucian culture's expectation for Cosplay players

to uphold social order and promote positive energy.

The aim is to reconcile the universal values of youth,

freedom, equality, and fraternity reflected in

animation, allowing Cosplay participants to assume

greater agency in shaping their cultural identity. As

the "disseminators of faith" undergo this

transformation, Cosplay evolves from being

perceived as contrary to Confucian culture to

emerging as a vibrant ally in the new era to reinforce

the Chinese cultural soft power (Saito, 2021,2022).

Secondly, the moderate regulation of Cosplay

styles and themes serves as an essential measure for

fostering a proper representation of this art form. This

approach shares a rationale similar to that of

regulating celebrities within Chinese society. As

transnational cultural flows and market-driven mass

media continue to expand, both Cosplay and the

entertainment industry are rapidly gaining influence

(Xu & Yang, 2021). For Cosplay enthusiasts, the

aim is to harness the power of these contemporary

cultural communicators to advocate for "virtue and

art," which leads Chinese society to invoke Confucian

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principles. This seeks to ensure that the content of

Cosplay remains within acceptable boundaries in

terms of socialist values, morals, party policies, and

ideology. CN, a cosplayer from Hong Kong,

elaborated on how this is manifested during comic

exhibitions.

"In mainland China, the key rule for comic

exhibitions is that Cosplay participants must not

violate public order (for example, Cosplayers cannot

wear too strange costumes to scare children).

Although most Cosplay materials come from Japan,

all comic exhibitions prohibit wearing kimono-

related costumes (such as my favorite series "Demon

Slayer: Kimetsu no Yaiba"), unless players want to

make trouble. Additionally, any large comic

exhibition explicitly forbids costumes or themes that

involve political, ethnic, or religious issues."

CN's remarks vividly illustrate how Chinese

society exercises authority to discipline Cosplay

participants, a cultural elite, thereby instilling a

"chilling effect" among the general public. However,

this is merely the initial step. To cultivate a noble

sentiment towards Cosplay aligned with socialist

values, the concept of familial affection, as

emphasized by Confucianism, is also employed to

subtly guide the evolution of Cosplay, encouraging a

compromise in a semi-mandatory manner. For

instance, Xiao Mo, a novice cosplayer who has

recently entered the scene, shared his experiences:

"My parents come from a small rural town, and

their views are quite conservative. They are not very

familiar with popular culture, such as cosplay. Since

I was a child, my family has been very strict with me,

leading to restrictions on my outings to play. Because

of this, I never dared to share the specifics of my

interest in cosplay with my father; he would

undoubtedly ban any unusual costumes from being

worn in our house. As a result, I have been saving

money from my living expenses to buy cosplay

costumes."

Although Xiao Mo's family did not entirely restrict

his Cosplay activities, their lack of financial and

emotional support created considerable challenges

for his experience. The root of this issue lies in his

parents' disdain for unconventional costumes, which

stems from their adherence to Confucian values and

rituals. This situation illustrates that, even when using

mild measures, coercive tactics have lost their

effectiveness; thus, social order must seek the consent

of those it governs. One practical approach to gaining

this consent is to align with individuals who resonate

with the public's emotions, possess their trust, and can

lend legitimacy to the controlling authority (Leibold,

2010). In Xiao Mo's case, his family's traditional

beliefs lead them to unconditionally trust the

beneficial influence of social order, positioning them

as allies in the effort to suppress "foreign and strange

costumes." When this dynamic is successfully

established, Confucianism adapts to a changing

society, ultimately earning public recognition and

reinforcing its authority in cultural governance.

The two aforementioned approaches to regulating

and shaping Cosplay illustrate that the "body" has

consistently been influenced by the dynamics of

appearance politics under Confucianism, with

variations in the scale, object, and method of such

influence. Regarding Cosplay regulation, the initial

step in Confucian social order involves a system of

rewards and punishments: individuals are granted

rewards and privileges for exemplary behavior, while

bad behavior is met with punishment and the need for

atonement (May,2005). When comic exhibitions can

effectively promote the social education and moral

cultivation underscored by Chinese tradition, they

often informally accommodate fan-driven

transactions and activities, catering to a new

generation of cultural communicators. Conversely,

when potential sources of unrest arise, the Confucian

traditions of order and prohibition are revived as

cultural instruments to assert social authority. The

subsequent step involves scrutinizing technologies

that integrate hierarchical observation and normative

judgment and classifying and evaluating individuals

via newly established notification systems. The reach

of state power has expanded across various social

domains, emphasizing regulating and monitoring

marginalized groups and their activities, making the

body and daily life central targets (Yuan & Tian,

2023). Consequently, the Confucian ideals of family

harmony and the principle of "order among the old

and young" have emerged as powerful tools for

governing Cosplay, leading to its evolution in a semi-

mandatory context. This phenomenon results from

transferring state power to various supranational

organizations and local or grassroots citizen groups.

Through these two steps, Confucian social values

have effectively supervised and shaped Cosplay

within Foucault's theoretical framework, leading to

its suppression in an objectified mechanism and

compelling it to accept the exercise of power.

3.3 Resistance from Cosplay

In their pursuit of navigating the intricate landscape

Cosplay and Chinese Social Order: Tension and Compromise

123

of power dynamics, Cosplay and its participants

continually confront the surveillance and norms

imposed by Confucian appearance politics. Drawing

on Foucault's theory, it is understood that where there

is power, there is resistance, manifesting in diverse

forms wherever power is exercised (Foucault, 1995).

This hopeful notion of resistance is rooted in the

symbolic expression of the self-concept among

Cosplay players in the contemporary era, where

appearance serves to convey their identities and the

perceptions they wish to project to others. Within this

framework, Cosplay participants are anticipated to

leverage their "docile bodies" to merge the virtual

identities they adopt from their roles with their

aspirations, thereby crafting and maintaining a

distinctive identity that sets them apart from the

traditional Confucian value system. This identity

encompasses two primary dimensions: individual

identity and group identity, with a nuanced

interrelationship between the two. Initially,

Cosplayers cultivate a pleasurable, fantastical self-

identity that offers an escape from reality,

subsequently developing a unique and potent group

identity to challenge the legitimacy of the Confucian

value system.

Currently, China's Generation Z urban youth

remain under the influence of their parents and adults,

constrained by established and revered spatial

classifications such as family, school, and society.

The challenges they encounter include, but are not

limited to, their status as only children, high parental

expectations, competitive educational and economic

systems, and the enduring impact of hierarchical

traditions that view young people as juniors within

the family and society (Chen, 2021). In response, they

often turn to the unique world of Cosplay to create an

alternative space, employing various strategies to

question, neutralize, and subvert the existing social

order, allowing them to escape from the cultural and

symbolic confines of reality. This realm enables them

to fully explore and express their identities, much like

Elana Peng, who has four years of Cosplay

experience, articulated:

"For me, cosplay is a way to escape reality by

embodying different characters. I often find real life

boring, and many of my values and ideas are difficult

to express. Cosplay allows me to create a virtual

world where I can express the personality often

suppressed in everyday life. The clothing I wear daily

feels like a disguise, but when I put on the costumes

of my favorite characters, I feel confident and truly

myself. I believe this reflects my rebellious spirit."

Based on Elana's thoughts, the author suggests that

the motivations of cosplay participants reflect their

resistance to China's Confucian social system. Many

cosplayers, like Elana, embody their favorite

characters to fulfill roles or dreams that are absent in

their everyday lives. The act of performing imagined

identities holds significance when expressed and

experienced within a specific context. Through role-

playing, an individual's identity can transform from a

high school student into a mighty hero, from a woman

into a strong, empowered figure, or an ordinary

person into a wealthy celebrity (Rahman et al. 2012).

This transformation offers excitement and

satisfaction to participants, serving as a compelling

reaction to the rigid expectations and pressures

imposed by Confucian appearance norms. In their

everyday attire, players are subjected to continuous

monitoring and influence from the central authority.

At home, parents instill in them the values of

obedience and adherence to the directives of their

elders. In school, social pressure compels them to

achieve good grades. Should they fail to meet these

expectations, they risk being stigmatized as failures

and labeled as lazy, rebellious, indifferent, or fitting

into negative stereotypes. However, when they wear

Cosplay costumes, they attempt to embody virtual

characters, empowering them to challenge these

labels. This fusion of identity with their chosen roles

liberates them from the responsibilities typically

associated with conventional clothing, leading them

to believe they can reinvent themselves and transform

their reality. This metamorphosis allows them to

reimagine their ordinary selves with a fresh

appearance, ushering in dreams, happiness, romance,

and fantasy.

After establishing their individual imaginary

identities, Cosplay players seek to cultivate a stronger

collective identity to confront the Confucian social

system effectively. They utilize a shared identity

rooted in clothing to express a form of group identity

that neither undermines individualistic values nor

detracts from the collectivist principles inherent in the

Cosplay community (Peirson-Smith, 2013). Through

a sense of belonging, rituals, traditions, and moral

responsibilities associated with portraying characters,

Cosplay players form tribes and communities. The

bond created among members symbolizes their

commitment to challenging the traditional social

order represented by Cosplay. A Fu, a freshman

Cosplay player from Chengdu, attested to this point:

"I started participating in cosplay in high school.

At that time, I was just curious and didn't know how

ICPLSS 2025 - International Conference on Politics, Law, and Social Science

124

to connect my interests with others in the community.

As a result, the characters I portrayed were of low

quality. As I have grown older and more mature, I

hope to communicate better with others through my

roles. This has led me to have higher and more

detailed expectations for my performances, and I

sometimes even require a specific makeup routine to

achieve the desired effect."

The author contends that Afu's enhancement of

Cosplay costumes and makeup serves two primary

functions. First, this transformation distinguishes A

Fu from non-Cosplayers; as she noted, she feels

completely separated from the real world when

engaging in two-dimensional activities. Second, this

process reinforces A Fu's group identity as a member

of a new style tribe that embraces unconventional

attire. This dynamic reflects a convergence of

personal choice and collective self-awareness.

Cosplayers like Afu, along with other documented

subjects of subcultural narratives, express their

individual and collective identities, as well as their

ideologies, through tangible changes in their

appearance. Having successfully established their

identity in opposition to the Confucian social order,

they recognize that donning elaborate and unique

costumes within a predominantly collectivist cultural

framework invites social discrimination (Burke,

2022). As a result, they embody a structured

commitment to the Cosplay culture through their

physical expressions while leveraging the collective

security offered by virtual environments, such as role-

playing parties or conventions, to generate powerful

counter-public narratives. This process allows the

"docile body" of the Cosplay participants to

effectively complete a cycle of resistance against

established power structures, particularly those

rooted in traditional Chinese Confucian ideals, which

aligns with Foucault's theory.

4 COMPROMISES BETWEEN

COSPLAY AND CHINESE

SOCIAL ORDER

4.1 Compromise from the Chinese

Social Order

The analysis above confirms an inherent tension

between Cosplay culture and the structure of Chinese

social order; however, it does not fully explain the

active proliferation of Cosplay in contemporary

Chinese society. This confrontational dynamic of

power regulation and influence does not preclude the

possibility of compromise. In Foucault's view, a

compromise between the regulator of power and the

docile individual does not imply the eradication of

power itself. Instead, the surveillance inherent in

power positions individuals within a realm of

visibility, subjecting them to objectification. This is

similar to the concept of the circular prison, where

each individual is under the watchful eye of a

centralized, though unseen, observer, reinforcing the

notion that they are perpetually monitored (Wehrle,

2016). Since the elimination of surveillance is not

feasible, any concessions made by power in response

to resistance must integrate the characteristics and

effects of this relationship, accommodating new

objectives and subjects within it. This phenomenon

aligns with Foucault's idea of power normalization

(Foucault, 1995). For a compromise to emerge in the

tension between Cosplay and Chinese society, the

Confucian social order must first extend its power

over the Cosplay community, continuously

reinforcing its authority within this newly defined

context. Through this process, Confucian values may

gradually permeate the grassroots of the Cosplay

subculture, empowering individuals within this group

to develop self-censorship mechanisms and prevent

unnecessary conflict. A Ke, a Cosplay enthusiast on

the verge of graduating from college and entering the

workforce, exemplifies this with her personal

experience:

"I believe the state's control over social media has

helped increase public awareness of Cosplay. Before

the COVID-19 outbreak, many people would view me

as mentally unstable when I walked down the street.

However, now passersby seem to understand our

hobby better. This shift in perception might partly be

due to many individuals using Cosplay as a means of

gaining attention before, including sharing videos

related to topics like sex addiction and borderline

personality disorder online."

Although A Ke did not explicitly explain to the

author how the Confucian social order has

decentralized power to grassroots groups like hers,

we can deduce its underlying logic from her response

regarding the growing public recognition of Cosplay.

A Ke argues that this shift in societal perception is

partly attributable to enhancing social media-related

content within the party-state system, which has

filtered out aspects of Cosplay culture that may be

uncomfortable for the general public. The method by

which these elements were removed raises intriguing

Cosplay and Chinese Social Order: Tension and Compromise

125

questions. Additionally, considering A Ke's

acknowledgment of the role of social media in

promoting Cosplay culture, the author further

inquired about her involvement in Cosplay on social

media platforms:

"I believe that I am pursuing IPs. I create

characters based on popular IPs and post them on my

social media accounts. This approach aligns with

mainstream trends, as I want to attract attention from

others. To achieve this, I feel engaging with what is

currently popular is necessary."

When examining A Ke's perspective on enhancing

the public perception of Cosplay above, it becomes

evident how the Confucian social system seeks to

establish a foundation for compromise with Cosplay.

First, grassroots Cosplay enthusiasts like A Ke are

drawn to the promotion and commercialization of

Cosplay on digital platforms regulated by the

government, successfully creating accounts to engage

as participants. These platforms include popular

social media in mainland China, such as WeChat,

TikTok, and Xiaohongshu. While these platforms

operate under the influence of government ideology,

their primary objectives are profit-driven and

facilitate communication (Chen et al. 2023).

Secondly, A Ke and other grassroots participants

subconsciously embody the values of the Confucian

social system, engaging in self-censorship and

monitoring others during their participation. When

individuals with mainstream social values evaluate

Cosplay enthusiasts through the lens of traditional

Confucian ideals, such as formal attire, etiquette, and

order, the inherent aspects of Cosplay that promote

freedom, self-expression, and individuality face

suppression. Consequently, A Ke and fellow

participants, as "docile bodies," leverage the authority

of social order to impose self-regulation on social

media. They aim to exclude content that could

provoke scrutiny from mainstream values and

increasingly align with the "mainstream trends that

are more readily accepted by the public." This

alignment is primarily achieved by adjusting makeup

and clothing details to resemble mainstream

intellectual properties within Chinese comics. At the

same time, while gravitating towards mainstream

aesthetics, they work to influence other players to

adopt these same standards. Other participants

likewise strive to adhere to these norms to avoid being

marginalized by the majority. When self-censorship

influenced by mainstream societal values coincides

with the censorship imposed on others, it results in a

dynamic where individuals serve as both the

enforcers of authority and the subjects of scrutiny.

This situation reveals how the Confucian social order

seeks to accommodate the identities of Cosplay

enthusiasts, delegating the responsibility of

monitoring their peers to them as much as possible.

This approach not only alleviates the inherent

tensions within the group but also transforms these

individuals from grassroots rebels into allies who

oversee other "docile bodies."

To broaden the reach of decentralized surveillance

power, the compromise mentioned above is reflected

in daily life by integrating Cosplay into China's

cultural soft power, thus maximizing cultural

consumption alongside grassroots participants whose

influence has been decentralized. At its core, this

approach seeks to expand self-censorship standards

within popular culture, thereby reducing friction

between the public, who uphold Confucian

mainstream values, and the world of Cosplay.

Addressing A Ke's reflections on his pursuit of

mainstream intellectual property, the author examines

explicitly how the current popular animation IP

"Nezha" resonates within mainland China, and how

enthusiasts of the two-dimensional culture promote

the diffusion of mainstream values while retaining the

distinctive traits of Cosplay. As a pivotal figure in

Chinese mythology, Nezha's image not only

embodies the parent-child dynamic of "kindness from

above and filial piety from below" through the subtle

expression of love but also represents the courage to

challenge injustice through the pursuit of an

independent personality and individual opinions

within the Confucian framework of self-cultivation

(Li, 2019). As Cosplay players blend their interests

and skills into the mainstream cultural IP, the general

public is more likely to appreciate their self-

censorship standards and accept the unique makeup

and costumes influenced by Chinese Confucianism.

At the 7th COMIC UP Creation Exchange Exhibition

in Guangzhou, characters from the film "Nezha,"

including Nezha, Ao Bing, and Shen Gongbao, drew

a significant number of visitors eager to take photos

and engage with the characters. The film's plot and

the cultural meanings embedded in these characters

fostered connections between many Cosplayers and

everyday people (China Daily, 2025). Similarly, in

Ningbo, Zhejiang, various tourist attractions hosted a

carnival dedicated to Nezha culture, featuring

activities such as stamp collecting and dance

performances. This innovative blend of "anime IP +

local culture" has effectively encouraged tourists to

explore local attractions (Sohu, 2025). The cultural

ICPLSS 2025 - International Conference on Politics, Law, and Social Science

126

consumption of enhanced Cosplay content serves to

package Confucian mainstream ideology into a

standardized lens for popular culture. While Cosplay

participants remain under the influence of established

power structures, grassroots participants have

gradually taken control of the mechanisms behind

censorship standards, skillfully aligning their identity

with social and cultural soft power. This evolution is

rooted in the Confucian value of sharing power and

bringing others into the fold.

4.2 Compromise from Cosplay

Under those, as mentioned above, hidden panoramic

surveillance, Cosplayers are increasingly categorized

and subject to open, real-time oversight based on

enhanced censorship standards. Throughout this

process, these players rely on multiple influences,

including the enforced narratives of the state system,

the expectations and demands of Cosplay audiences,

and the editorial management and compensatory

mechanisms (such as tips, rewards, likes, and

attention) dictated by social media platforms.

Consequently, they must navigate the delicate task of

refining their presentations without compromising

their personal identities concerning the Confucian

value system. Specifically, they are tasked with

transforming their "docile bodies" into

representations that are ambitious, positive, yet tinged

with a sense of decadence and hedonistic defiance.

This does not imply that players are relinquishing

their dissent from Confucian ideals or capitulating to

the pressures of surveillance. Instead, they must

strategically curate their public personas to present

themselves as desirable or appealing while

concealing their personal interests, thereby

maintaining a careful balance between their

restrained desires and their professionalism and

reputation in the public eye (Fang, 2023). This

balancing act can be divided into two key

components. First, players must adhere to censorship

standards, demonstrating more expressive models

even if praised by society, using these norms to foster

the growth of cosplay culture. Second, they must also

address their needs alongside the pre-existing

subversive demands of the Confucian value system,

embracing a form of identity that resonates with a

"hedonic" reinterpretation.

Cosplayers navigate two conflicting expectations

stemming from varying power dynamics. On one

hand, they are pressured to adopt behaviors and

attitudes that align with mainstream cultural norms,

as the influence of the Confucian social order is

heightened by governmental authority and

accompanying measures of punishment and

education. This reinforces their positioning as

compliant individuals within the context of self-

representation. On the other hand, they encounter the

expectation to meet the demands of their fellow

cosplayers, who may or may not conform to the same

power dynamics, as well as the need to cater to these

community needs (de Mello et al. 2021). Within

social media platforms, peers prompt cosplayers to

adhere to industry standards through immediate,

close-knit virtual engagement and validation,

promoting cosplay culture appealingly and desirably

to the public. Consequently, cosplayers' compliance

stems from both involuntary and voluntary adherence

to these dual media discourses. These narratives are

considered ideal benchmarks of expertise, regulated

and/or incentivized by the state, various platforms,

and fans. Jiang Zhenshan, an adult cosplayer from

Wuhan, Hubei, illustrated how she experienced these

dual expectations from distinct power sources.

"My friend and I attended a comic convention

where he intended to dress as a character from

‘

Call of Duty'. However, his costume was hindered by

security due to the weapon-like props he was

carrying. In that moment, I recognized that despite

my desire to dress up as a character I admired, the

prevailing social atmosphere might not be conducive

to it. Consequently, even if I were to go ahead and

wear a costume, it wouldn't have the desired impact."

Jiang's statements vividly illustrate the stringent

regulations governing acceptable performances and

desirable behaviors within the covert panoptic effect.

This effect is maintained through the coercive power

of the government, along with Confucian social

etiquette norms, psychological needs, and the

immediate participatory experiences dictated by

cosplayers. Comic exhibitions themselves function as

a form of power that can restrict the bodies of

cosplayers. For instance, characters from "Call of

Duty" cannot be accommodated within the rule-

abiding and hierarchical structure of the mainstream

societal value system due to their association with

weaponry. Likewise, they clash with the values of

freedom and equality that underpin cosplay culture,

which is endorsed by other participants at comic

exhibitions. When these two forces dictate terms of

engagement, including content policies and review

systems, it necessitates that players comply with the

platform's rules, regulations, and functionalities,

adapting their content accordingly. This may involve

Cosplay and Chinese Social Order: Tension and Compromise

127

creating material that adheres to aesthetic standards

or appeals to targeted audience segments. To delve

deeper into this research, the author inquired of Jiang

how to strike a balance between the surveillance and

influence of these two powers:

"I often think about how to integrate myself into

this environment. One possible approach is to adopt

"grouping" behavior on platforms with less favorable

atmospheres. My characters may be different from

those of other players, but all of our characters meet

the requirements for the comic exhibition. We take

photos together and check in with each other to boost

the popularity of various characters, and everyone is

quite satisfied with this arrangement. I believe that

communication plays a crucial role for other players

as well. We all portray relatively positive characters

and can serve as role models for others. New players

can see us on social media and connect with the same

characters. This positive atmosphere can enhance

public recognition of us to some extent."

Jiang's further analysis reveals how Cosplay

participants navigate the expectations of differing

influences while actively promoting the spread of

Cosplay culture through their normative

performances. First, Jiang and her peers strive to

remain relevant to mainstream Cosplay genres,

themes, and scenes, effectively presenting themselves

as commercialized embodiments intended to

demonstrate their belonging to an in-group

characterized by pioneering, innovative, and

ambitious discourse. Jiang appreciates the rationality

behind Cosplay's "grouping" behavior, recognizing it

as essential for communicating their identities and the

connotations of their roles to one another. This sense

of community fosters a pragmatic mentality and

solidarity among participants. In the public space of

comic exhibitions—where the gaze of authority is

ever-present — players collectively dress up and

openly showcase visual representations that defy

traditional Confucian norms, expressing a positive

attitude towards Cosplay while striving to meet

societal expectations. This act serves as a tempting

offering of "diversity costumes" to the public. Aware

that their acceptance could be fleeting due to external

pressures, observers and peers are inclined to

embrace this "bait," ultimately validating the

successful performances of these players involved in

and advocating for Cosplay (Yang, 2022). Secondly,

Jiang acknowledges that cosplay performance serves

as a means of fulfilling the demands of authority. The

process of obtaining authorization and recognition

becomes a conscious gesture, strategy, or deliberate

attempt by the subculture to express a willingness to

be integrated into or accepted by mainstream culture.

Thus, Jiang and other participants intentionally align

with the expectations of the traditional social system

for the Chinese public through social media. By

cultivating a positive role image, they promote

socialist core values rooted in Confucianism as a

positive example, thereby fostering an uplifting

societal atmosphere in a visually impactful manner.

According to Foucault's definition, the fundamental

basis for individuals' admiration of the "good life" lies

in labor and discipline--comprising a set of

knowledge and rules to be adhered to (Crossley,

1996). Consequently, cosplayers "voluntarily" strive

to meet these norms, believing in the necessity of

continuous self-improvement and full engagement

within an environment marked by ongoing

commercialization and reification.

Cosplay culture is often regarded as "deviant,"

"heretical," and "obscure." As a result, participants

must navigate compromises not only to meet the

expectations of various authorities but also to make

limited concessions regarding the core purpose of

their costumes: to challenge the Confucian social

system's stringent values and advocate for personal

autonomy. This understanding among participants

reinforces the prevalent discourse surrounding

childish or pure desires in cosplay. Such discourse

reinterprets elaborate costumes and heavy makeup as

expressions of "pure" hedonism, devoid of political or

critical intentions. For instance, when interviewing

Miranda, a cosplayer from Qingdao International

High School, her conservative response clearly

illustrates this perspective:

"I don't think too deeply about my interest in

cosplay. It's just a hobby of mine, and I don't feel the

need to elevate it beyond that. Much like music, where

some people prefer rock and others enjoy classical,

it's simply a way for me to relax. Even my mother

helps me with it."

Interestingly, when the author inadvertently

explored Miranda's social media, due to the interview

via WeChat, a popular social app in mainland China,

she discovered a stark contrast between her depth of

participation in Cosplay in her daily life and the

restraint she exhibited during the interview. Miranda

passionately engages in discussions about gender

identity and the legitimacy of various players' sexual

behaviors on her private account. She shares her

dialogues with users from overseas local area

networks, including Instagram, which is banned in

mainland China, on these topics. Occasionally, she

ICPLSS 2025 - International Conference on Politics, Law, and Social Science

128

employs comic characters to craft profound narratives

that reflect on the shortcomings of her character's

sexual performance in her costume. These striking

contrasts underscore that Miranda's joyful, gentle,

and non-confrontational demeanor may serve as a

subconscious avoidance of the patriarchal constraints

inherent in Confucian values. If she were to make

inappropriate remarks during her public interview

with the author, she would likely face backlash from

the government and scrutiny from other users and

censorship bodies (Xu & Zheng, 2025). Undoubtedly,

her social media content challenges Confucian ethics

and traditional gender norms; however, she

rationalizes this risky interest as "her hobby and way

of relaxing," effectively sidestepping the

politicization of her Cosplay experience by both the

Confucian value system and the broader public.

Instead, in her public-facing persona, she presents a

model devoid of political or critical ambitions,

particularly in the presence of strangers like the

author. This strategy allows her to maintain a

supportive private network for her romantic fantasies

and taboo subjects while remaining aligned with the

social changes driven by Chinese Confucianism.

Ultimately, this behavior reflects Miranda's

exploration of alienation as it is transformed and

concealed through ritualistic, superficial, and

opportunistic role-playing.

5 CONCLUSION

This article explores the coexistence of Cosplay with

traditional Chinese Confucian social values. As a

distinctive expression in Chinese society, Cosplay

symbolically transforms participants' identities,

enabling them to present themselves anew through

role-playing. However, due to the influence of

Confucian appearance politics, a fundamental clash

between Cosplay and the traditional Confucian social

order is inevitable and significant. Chinese society,

grounded in traditional values, carefully nurtures and

monitors Cosplay and its practitioners to ensure

alignment with the development of Confucian

appearance politics. Amidst the confusion and pursuit

of individuality among Chinese Generation Z youth,

Cosplay challenges the conservative value system of

traditional Confucian society by fostering unique

personal and group identities. In this dynamic

between authority and those being monitored, the

Confucian value system and Cosplay strive to find

common ground to mitigate the adverse effects of

their conflict. Recognizing that clothing is an

expression of identity, Chinese Confucian society

seeks to enhance cultural consumption by

empowering grassroots Cosplay communities to

embrace their identities. In doing so, Cosplay

participants subtly conceal the political ambitions tied

to their distinctive identities while promoting Cosplay

culture within the framework of mainstream

censorship standards.

In the context of Confucian appearance politics

and the personal identity expressed through clothing

and appearance, the interaction between Cosplay and

the traditional social value system can find a basis for

mutual compromise, even as it confronts these

established norms. This dynamic can help mitigate

friction between the two perspectives to a manageable

level, all while navigating the conditions of power

monitoring and being monitored. Throughout this

process, the power dynamics inherent in the

Confucian social system influence and shape the

essence of Cosplay, creating a "complex strategic

situation" and a "diversity of power relations" that is

both "intentional" and "non-subjective."

Consequently, the Confucian social order is

maintained through the expression of various

"resistance points," and the myriad forms of

resistance represented by Cosplay should not be

oversimplified as mere acts of revolution or betrayal

in a singular context. This allows for analyzing the

tension and compromise between the two from a

micro-dynamic perspective. Due to constraints

related to time and the author's resources, the sample

chosen for this article is somewhat limited and may

not fully capture the intricate dynamic between

Cosplay and China's Confucian social system. Future

research could explore two key directions using more

extensive sample data: investigating why Cosplay

cannot be entirely localized within the framework of

Confucian culture, and conducting a comparative

analysis of how participants in Cosplay and other

subcultures establish effective identity recognition.

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