Tibetan Pastoralism under Climate and Socio-economic Change:

Carbon Footprint Assessment and beyond - Research Plan and

Preliminary Results

Chaohui Li

1,2

, Xudong Wu

1,3

, Kuang Chen

, Dan Lo

, Junxian Dai

, Dongxue Xia

Ciren Yangzong

6,†

and Guoqian Chen

1,*

Laboratory of Systems Ecology and Sustainability Science, College of Engineering, Peking University, Beijing 100871,

China

Yenching Academy, Peking University, Beijing 100871, China

School of Soil and Water Conservation, Beijing Forestry University, Beijing 100083, China

Cheshire Academy, Cheshire, Connecticut 06410, United States

Institute of Tibetology, Tibet University, Lhasa 850012, Tibet, China

Urban Resource Department, College of Science, Tibet University, Lhasa 850012, Tibet, China

ciy@utibet.edu.cn,

gqchen@pku.edu.cn

Keywords: Tibetan Plateau, Climate change, Socio-economic change, Nomadic grazing, Namtso.

Abstract: As the “Third Pole” of the world, the Tibetan Plateau is especially vulnerable to anthropogenic environmental

disturbances and climate change variations. With an alpine grassland dominated landscape, nomadic grazing

is one of the major anthropogenic activities on the Tibetan Plateau. In this study, we present a research plan

with preliminary results that aim to quantify the human carbon footprint in a typical Tibetan nomadic area

(Namtso village, Damsung County) through semi-structured interviews and on-site fieldwork, complementary

to using existing data, which may suffer from restrictions and inaccuracies due to the special ecological

conditions of the Tibetan Plateau and the nomadic characteristic of the inhabitants. After obtaining a detailed

first-hand inventory list of the activities of human and grazing animals, the method of systems process analysis

and life cycle analysis can be used to calculate the annual carbon footprint of a nomadic grazing unit, as well

as the water footprint, energy footprint, and land footprint of the nomadic activities on the Tibetan Plateau.

The obtained results will provide a comprehensive dataset and analysis of Tibet’s nomadic pastoralist

activities, which is conducive to a better understanding of the linkages between the ecological and economic

activities on the Earth’s third pole and global climate change.

1 INTRODUCTION

The Tibetan highlands host the world’s most

extensive and elevated area of pastoralism, with an

elevation of 3,500 meters to 4,500 meters of altitudes.

For millennia, pastoralists have made livings in this

harsh and isolated environment (Li et al., 2018).

Bounded on three sides by the Himalayan Complex

and Taklamakan Desert, this vast mountain-bound

alpine grassland has long been fantasized as a hidden

arcadia cradled among the peaks of the Orient (Hilton,

1960).

†

Contributing equally with the corresponding author

In recent decades, increasing climate changes and

socio-economic changes on both global and regional

scales have been historically unprecedented. Climate

change has become one of the most daunting

challenges of the century, in great potential of leading

to extreme weathers (Wuebbles et al., 2014), land

degradation (Hummel, 2016), water shortages (Gober

& Kirkwood, 2010), etc. On the other hand, emerging

socio-economic changes such as the expansion of

industrial and agricultural land have shaped more and

more surfaces of the earth, and have been reported to

result in large-scale encroachment upon traditional

lifestyles such as pastoralism around the world

122

Li, C., Wu, X., Chen, K., Lo, D., Dai, J., Xia, D., Yangzong, C. and Chen, G.

Tibetan Pastoralism under Climate and Socio-economic Change: Carbon Footprint Assessment and beyond - Research Plan and Preliminary Results.

DOI: 10.5220/0011536200003355

In Proceedings of the 1st International Joint Conference on Energy and Environmental Engineering (CoEEE 2021), pages 122-128

ISBN: 978-989-758-599-9

(Tache, 2008), forcing nomadic lifestyle into more

and more marginal lands.

Interest in the impacts of these changes on the

Tibetan Plateau has resulted in flourishing studies

focusing on the transitioning of the “Shangri-La” in

the modern world (Feng et al., 2017; Gong et al., 2017;

Ma & Zhao, 2016). Regarding the impact of climate

change, researches have shown that the Tibetan

Plateau is exceptionally vulnerable to climate change

due to its special geographical and ecological

conditions (Lehnert et al., 2016). In the past 50 years,

the Tibetan Plateau experienced three times more

global warming rate than other regions (Piao et al.,

2011), with supra-regional consequences due to its

huge elevated heat surface with sensitive

environmental feedback (Duan & Wu, 2005).

Therefore, studies on the impacts of anthropogenic

activities on the environment of the Tibetan Plateau

have been widely carried out to assess the ecological

footprints in this region, by using tools such as GIS,

environmental modeling, simulated experiments, etc.

Regarding socio-economic changes in Tibetan

pastoralism, critical voices on the deteriorated

environment due to resource exploitation (Miller,

2000), land encroachment due to urban expansion

(Miller, 2000), and settlement due to new housing

tracts (Næss, 2013), etc. have been increasingly

active. On the other hand, studies have also reported

that Tibetan pastoralists have experienced an increase

in educational opportunities (Hopping et al., 2016),

the rise of women’s status (Tsering, 2013), increasing

access to medical supplies and healthcare

(Xiangbalacuo, 2017), etc.

These literature piece together for the world a

mirage of the transitioning “Shangri-La” in the

environmental and socio-economic changes of the

modern world. However, this pieced vision is blurred

by the fragmentation and incoherency of information,

with many of these puzzle pieces seemingly

contradictory. Furthermore, the vast majority of these

studies are either based on calculations using existing

data from official sources, or review of historical

documents, or environmental simulations carried out

remotely, whereas only very few are based on on-site

observations or fieldwork surveys. In this study, we

aim to conduct on-site fieldwork research to gain

first-hand environmental and socio-economic data,

processed through systematic and comprehensive

modeling to gain an insight into the ecological and

socio-economic aspects of Tibetan nomadic life. We

aim to assess the carbon footprint, water footprint,

land footprint, and energy footprint of the pastoralists

in the study region, as well as gaining balance

accountings of the living expenses of typical Tibetan

nomadic families, by surveying a historically typical

nomadic region on the Tibetan Plateau, Namtso

(Tibetan: གནམ་མཚ). The full implementation of this

project will encompass the obtaining of a

comprehensive dataset of Tibetan nomadic expenses

balance accountings through wide-range surveys,

emission intensity datasets of GHG emissions

through fieldwork experiments, as well as intensity

dataset of other ecological elements, such as land,

water, energy, etc., thereby calculating a full set of

multi-scale ecological footprints of the region and

family units. We have so far carried out this project

for two years, and have obtained considerable data by

conducting on-site interviews in Tibetan households

in the permittable climate of the summertime. This

paper is a presentation of the research plan and the

preliminary results obtained by this project. The rest

of this paper is carried out as follows. Section 2

presents the process of data acquisition and

accounting process of this paper; Section 3 presents

data analysis and results, Section 4 presents

preliminary calculations of intensity databases, and

Section 5 presents discussions and conclusions.

2 METHODOLOGY

2.1 Study Area

Our study encompasses a village located in the steppe

region in the central Tibetan Plateau: Namtso village,

Damxung county (30°42’N 90°33’E). Damxung’s

landscape is long and narrow, stretching 185

kilometers from the northeast to southwest, and 65

kilometers across. This area is approximately 170

kilometers North from Lhasa, with the

Nyainqentanglha mountain lying across the route. A

valley runs parallel to the Nyainqentanglha

mountains in this region to its southeast, and 30% of

the county’s total area is in the prairie of this valley.

Namtso village lies in the northern part of Damxung.

It has an altitude of 4,718 meters, southeast bound to

the Nyainqentanglha mountain, northbound to low

Northern Tibetan valleys, creating a relatively

enclosed area of alpine grassland landscape with

abundant water reserves. “Damxung” (county) means

“select pasture” in the Tibetan language, and “Namtso”

(village) means “sky”, or “saccade heaven”. Namtso

has been renowned as one of the most beautiful

villages in the Nyainqentanglha mountain range, with

film scenes taken in its landscape featured in the 2010

Chinese drama “Shangri-La”. Figure 1 shows series

of photos of Tibet and Namtso taken by the research

team.

Tibetan Pastoralism under Climate and Socio-economic Change: Carbon Footprint Assessment and beyond - Research Plan and Preliminary

Results

123

(

)

(

)

(

)

(

)

(e) (f)

Figure 1. (a) Arrival in Tibet, Potala Palace (b) Worshiping

Buddhists, Lhasa (c) Setting out to Namtso from Tibet

University (d) Two members of the research team crossing

over the peak of Nyainqentanglha Mountain range to

Namtso, Damxung (e) arrival at research station, Namtso (f)

map: Namtso village, Damxung county, Lhasa.

2.2 Interviews

In August 2019 and August 2020, we conducted

structured interviews with villagers in Namtso about

their material and monetary assets and household

expenditures. Interviews were carried out either in

Tibetan or Mandarin, depending on the interviewee's

preference and their fluency in Mandarin. All

interviews were recorded and videoed after informal

consent by the interviewees, which are then entirely

transcribed. The transcripts will be disclosed upon the

completion of the entire project.

We aim to interview the majority of households in

the Namtso village, for now, we have interviewed 13

people in the village. We asked open-ended questions

about the way they lived, their incomes and

expenditures, their daily activities, etc. Some example

questions include: “How are the grassland allocated?”,

“What are the policies regarding grassland?”, “How

are they implemented?”, “How many

sheep/horses/yaks do your family own and how much

do you consume and sell?”, “What are the main

products of these animals?”, “How many yak meat,

mutton, barley, etc. do you consume daily?”, “How

Photo (a), (b) and (e): taken by Kuang Chen, August,

2019, (c), (d): taken by driver and guide of the trip,

August, 2019, (f): Google Map.

much do you spend on clothes?”, “What are your

housing conditions?”, “Do you do extra work

elsewhere? “How much salary does your job pay?”,

“How much do you spend on phones and related

services?”, “How much does education cost?”, “How

are the elderlies and disabled taken care of in the

village?”, “What are the common illness in this region,

how are they treated, and how much do they cost?”,

“Are there medical insurance?”, etc. In general, we

are hoping to gain a panoramic picture of the way they

lived, both regarding their economic conditions and

ecological circumstances.

2.3 Other Data Sources

This study also intends to field monitor GHG

emissions on-site to build an emissions inventory

especially applicable to the Tibetan highland climate.

We plan to field-monitor fluxes of CO2, CH4, and

N2O in the air and soil in the study region, which

prove to be the major GHG emissions in the region,

due to the active activities such as enteric

fermentation, biogas burning, manure management,

etc. Multiple sampling points will be set up with static

camera obscura-gas chromatography and standard

sampling boxes. Land use, water use, and energy use

details of the living units will also be monitored. For

this preliminary assessment, these data were

temporarily obtained from official sources

(agriculture, industrial, tertiary, and domestic water

use data is obtained from the Provincial Water

Resources Bureau (2012), arable land use and

pastureland use data are obtained from the “Tibet

Statistical Yearbook”, and CO2 and energy use data

are adopted from the estimations by Shan et al. (2014)

(Shan et al., 2017)).

2.4 Accounting Procedures

The following steps present the details in which the

accounting process is carried out. This accounting

framework can be used to calculate the carbon, water,

energy, and land footprint on multiple scales, with

access to the corresponding intensity datasets. Step-

by-step procedures for this assessment are:

1. Gain a detailed inventory list of the living

costs of a family unit, containing material or

monetary costs and expenditures per year. This

inventory list can include (but not limited to) food

expenses, clothing expenses, educational expenses,

CoEEE 2021 - International Joint Conference on Energy and Environmental Engineering

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healthcare, insurance, medical, housing,

transportation, etc.

2. Calculate the intensity database by using

Systems Input-Output Analysis (Chen et al., 2019;

Wu et al., 2018). Intensities represent the amount of

resources needed/emissions generated to produce a

per-monetary unit of goods and services.

3. Locate the sectoral representations of the

items from the balance account in the intensity

database, then correspond the numerical values of the

intensity database with the values of living

expenditures.

4. Perform multiplication of the expenditure

items with corresponding intensities, obtaining the

embodied resource use/generated emissions by the

living units.

3 PRELIMINARY RESULTS

Here we show part of the preliminary results from

data obtained from the conducted interviews. The

case study village has a population of around 200

households, and the typical nomadic family in the

village consists of a monogamous marriage of

husband and wife with one to three children, in the

cohabitation of elderlies, usually from the mother’s

side. Other variations of family types also exist, such

as polyandry families. Figure 2a shows a photo of the

Namtso village.

The most important food source in this region

includes yak meat, mutton, yak and sheep milk, dairy

products such as yogurt, quark, and butter, as well as

tea, wine, and Zanba. Diversified diets not usually

included in the traditional nomadic diet are also

shown to be popular amongst villagers, such as rice,

vegetables, purchased packaged foods, etc. (figure

2b-d). Most foods are directly derived from

domesticated animals (meat and dairy products), with

only very little monetary spending needed on food

supply. The major energy source is found out to be

yak dung collected on the pastures (figure 2e), which

fuel cooking, heating, and other household needs.

Portable solar pads are installed in some families for

charging electrical devices such as cell-phones.

Diesel is used to fueling jeep cars, trucks, and

motorbikes used for short-distance transportation,

transhumance moving, and daily sheep-herding

(figure 2, f-g). Housing is also found to be provided

in a self-sufficient manner, including both tents for

summertime nomadic grazing (figure 2g) and winter

settlement (figure 2h). Tents can be both purchased or

made from yak skin, with binding ropes made from

sheep fur. Winter residents can be self-built from

purchased materials, with little cost and no rent

requirements. Garments consist of working clothes

such as trainers and boots, fabric capes, and festival

clothes made from lambskin and wool. Medication

and education are found to be provided free of charge

by the village or county, while some opt for extra

spending for education in the provincial cities. While

food, housing, energy, education, and medicine

spending considerably small, phone services are

found to be relatively large and sometimes even major

spending for the family. With the increasing use of

video-based apps with high mobile traffic

requirements, no access to Wi-Fi, and no knowledge

of monthly service packages, it is found that this

spending can amount to more than one-tenth of the

total income for some households.

(a) (b)

(

)

(

)

(e) (f)

(g) (h)

Figure 2. (a) the landscape of the village with sheep dotted

across (b) buttered tea heating on a traditional stove (c)

from left to right: quark, soft drink, yogurt in the research

team’s hand (d) from left to right: a bowl of yogurt, two pots

of milk, a pack of chocolate bar (e) a pile of collected yak

dung to be used for fuel (f) a family in transhumance with

three loading trucks (g) a summertime tent with a motorbike

Tibetan Pastoralism under Climate and Socio-economic Change: Carbon Footprint Assessment and beyond - Research Plan and Preliminary

Results

125

for sheep herding (h) inside the winter house of an

interviewed family

Table 1 presents the income and expenditures of a

typical family of seven, consisting of husband and

wife, three children (2 girls, 1 boy), and two elderly

parents from the wife’s side (Interview process shown

in figure 3a, photo of family shown in figure 3b). Yak

is the main source of monetary income in the family,

accounting for around 60% of the family’s income

(figure 3c shows the family’s possession of yak). The

second-largest bulk of income comes from the selling

of animal derivatives such as yak dung, yak fur, and

wool, which account for approximately 23% of the

total income. Part-time jobs are not taken for

monetary payment, but largely “for the chance to

explore and have a good time” (transcript No. 2, line

318-319), account for 15% of the total income. The

major expenditures of the family largely come from

food and garments. Consumption of yak is shown to

be the major food source for most families, with no

monetary costs as they are directly slaughtered from

domesticated yaks. The yearly consumed yak account

for less than 3% of the herd owned by the family.

Shoes are shown to be a major source of expenditure

for the family, as the harsh climatic and geographic

characteristics prove to be abrasive to footwear. With

an extremely high discarding rate, one pair of shoes

can sometimes “only last for ten days” (transcript

No.2, line 373-380). Festive clothes are shown to be

“luxurious” in modern commercial standards, using

more than 20 lambskins to make one piece of festive

clothing. While this is free of charge for the nomadic

families, at most costing 2000RMB for manual

sowing fee, clothing made in this material may cost

more than several thousand times as much in the

commercial market. The interviewed family own four

pieces of this lambskin clothing, worn only once a

year at the traditional horse-racing festival. Almost no

educational or medical expenses are needed for this

family. The children attend school free of charge at

the village and county school (figure 3d shows

children of the family), and illness are relatively rare,

while they are also provided for free at the village

clinic, villagers often choose not to use this service,

or apply any medical treatment at all.

Photo (a), (b), (d), (e), (g) is taken by Junxian Dai; (c) is

taken by Chaohui Li; photo (f) and (h) is taken by Kuang

Chen

Photo (a) and (c), taken by Junxian Dai; photo (b) is

taken by driver and guide for the trip; photo (f) is taken by

Kuang Chen

(

)

(

)

Figure 3. (a) Interview process with the interviewees (b)

research team with interviewed family in front of their

summer tent. (c) a group of yaks owned by a family (d)

children in the village playing in a yard and a house.

Table 1. Income and expenditure accountings of a family of

seven acquired from interview.

Income

source

Accounts

Yak Sell 5 yaks/year, 40000RMB

Salary Less than 10000/year, mostly work

at home around the

Yak dung,

ak fur, wool

15000RMB/year

Expenditure Accounts

Yak Consume 3 yaks/year (free)

Barley, rice,

etables

Approximately 4000RMB/year

Clothes for

festivals

2000 per item (manual service

fee), 4 items per famil

Shoes Approximately 12000 RMB per

Phone service 7000RMB per year

Phone Approximately

1500RMB/item, 7 items in the

famil

Housing Approximately 40000 RMB,

self-

uilt, 60 sq

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4 PRELIMINARY ASSESSMENT

OF ECOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

INTENSITIES

Preliminary assessment of the arable land use,

pastureland use, water use, energy use, and CO2

emissions intensities are found to be comparatively

low. However, these estimations may suffer from the

aggregated level of existing data. Since agricultural

activity is the major activity in the studied region (as

well as a large proportion of other regions in Tibet),

the high aggregation of the agricultural sector in the

existing data may provide to be highly inefficient.

Furthermore, we find that both energy use data and

GHG data in this region is lacking in official reports.

All these calls for the dire need for more detailed

bottom-up environmental data that specifically apply

to the Tibetan region.

5 DISCUSSIONS AND

CONCLUSIONS

Through on-site surveys and calculations using

existing datasets, the ecological footprints in the

studied region are estimated to be extremely small,

compared with the living styles of modern urban

residence. We observed a large proportion of the

pastoralists’ daily necessities being made in a self-

sufficient manner, with raw materials derived directly

from the nearby environment or domesticated

animals. The main environmental excretion of the

living units mainly includes manure, which is then

collected and used as a valuable fuel source for the

family, thereby creating a sustainable cycle that has a

relatively small impact on the environment.

Regarding the economic aspects of nomadic

living style, while the economic income of the

pastoralists may be low compared to urban

inhabitants, they are without the need of many

indispensable expenditures for city residents, such as

housing, electricity, and even a large proportion of

food. We find pastoralists are influenced by modern

socio-economic changes in multiple ways such as

settlement housing in wintertime (as harsh climate

prevents them from grazing), education of children in

village schools, and access to modern appliances such

as cell-phones, packaged foods, transportation such

as trucks and motorbikes, and purchased garments

such as sneakers. In general, they still maintain a

pastoral oriented lifestyle vastly different from the

modernized and industrialized world.

This preliminary assessment of Tibetan

pastoralists under climate and socio-economic

change has provided valuable insights both intuitively

and quantitatively. However, significant work needs

to be done for the completion of the project. The

future plans for this project are as follows:

Through these series of assessments, a

comprehensive dataset and insight into Tibet’s

nomadic pastoralist activities can be obtained, which

is conducive to a better understanding of the

ecological and economic changes taking place on the

Earth’s Third Pole. Pastoralists are one of the most

vulnerable and perceptive groups to climate change

and socio-economic change influences, but also may

be one of the most sustainable, equitable, and

moderate societies. The world has changed

dramatically with increasingly acute environmental

problems that call for serious contemplation in

sustainable development (G. Chen, 1994). In face of

the current severe crisis falling upon the entire

humanity in the global spectrum, retrospection and

ponderation of our current set ways are crucial in our

future endeavors to create a better world for all.

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