journalistic  data  visualizations,  collected  from   four 
major  Norwegian  news  sites  (Engebretsen,  2017). 
The  study  revealed  that  many  of  the  DVs  were 
designed in a way that made complex patterns in the 
data material easy to perceive, and thus supported the 
processing  of  experiental  meaning.  Interpersonal 
meaning  potentials  were,  on  the  other  hand,  less 
focused.  Only  eight  of  the  17  DVs  provided  any 
information  about  the  producers  behind  the 
visualizations,  and  only  four  offered  substantial 
information  regarding  the  methods  used  in  the 
process of production. 10 of the DVs offered elements 
of  interactivity,  inviting  the  readers  to  explore  the 
underlying data by themselves. This study provides a 
relevant model for analysis, although the DVs were 
collected from a different domain of public discourse 
than  the  PSC-discourse  described  in  this  position 
paper.
1
 
The other part of the theoretical framework for the 
study,  is  that  of  public  understanding  of  science 
(PUS). PUS is a field of activity as well as an area of 
social research, closely related to the wider field of 
Science, Technology and Society (STS). PUS-related 
studies  include  the  building  of  theory  and  models, 
qualitative case studies as well as surveys and other 
quantitative studies of science communication taking 
place  in  a  range  of  public  genres;  science  blogs, 
science  journalism,  popular  science  magazines, 
museum  exhibitions  etc.  The  PUS-discourse  has 
historically,  according  to  Bauer  (2009),  focused  on 
three different problems. In the 60s and 70s, the focus 
was on a deficit of knowledge in the general audience. 
In the 80s, the dominating concern was a deficit of 
attention,  interest  and  support  of  science  in  the 
general public. Since the 90s, much attention in the 
PUS-discourse is given to the lack of trust to science 
as well as to the media. The discourse of fake news 
(having grown in intensity in the Trump-period), is a 
symptom  (or  a  driver)  of  the deficit of trust to the 
media. To illustrate the issue of low trust in science, 
one  can  look  to  Norway,  a  nation  with  a  high 
educational attainment,
2
 yet, with a very high density 
of climate skeptics. In the period 2013-2018, between 
22 and 27 per cent of the adult Norwegian population 
were  skeptical  to  the  idea  that  climate  changes  are 
related  to  human  activities,  in  spite  of  what  is 
massively communicated by scientists. 
3
 
Modelling the interaction between the “esoteric” 
scientific discourses going on among scientists, and 
the “exoteric” discourses of science on the public and 
 
 
2
 According to National Statistics Institute of Norway, 34 
per cent of the Norwegian population have education on 
a  bachelor’s  level  or  higher.  https://www.ssb. 
no/en/utdanning/statistikker/utniv 
private  arenas,  Bauer  –  referring  to  Flecks  core-
periphery-model from 1937 (see Fleck, 1979) – states 
that  the  further  away  from  the  esoteric  core,  the 
exoteric  discourses  are  characterized  by  a  growing 
gradient of simplification, concreteness and certainty 
of judgement. In other words; in a highly popularized 
presentation of a scientific result, one must expect to 
find  a  higher  degree  of  simplification,  of  visual 
illustration and of certainty (i.e. a lack of reservations 
and  modifications)  than  what  is  expected  in  e.g.  a 
textbook  in  higher  education.  Bauer  calls  for  more 
discourse-oriented studies – as a complement to the 
far  more  frequent  quantitative  studies  –  in  future 
investigations  of  the  PUS  dynamics,  where  the 
relationships between the esoteric and the (different 
levels of) exoteric discourses of science ought to be 
closely investigated.  
Some  commentators  are  less  concerned  about 
public deficits regarding knowledge, interest and trust 
in  their  approach  to  science  communication,  and 
more  concerned  about  dialogue  and  active 
participation. They call for a less top-down and more 
interactive,  mutual  and  dialogical  view  on  the 
interaction  between  scientists,  science 
communicators and the public audience (Riise, 2008; 
Santerre,  2008).  Davies  &  Horst  (2016)  model 
science  communication  as  a  non-hierarchic  eco-
system,  and  point  to  its  large  complexity  of  actors, 
epistemologies  and  discursive  elements.  In  a 
dialogical,  non-hierarchic  approach  to  science 
communication, the style of expression and the inter-
personal  dimension  of  meaning  making  play  a 
substantial role in the construction of the participants’ 
identities and their discursive roles and power.  
In  the  intersection  between  these  two 
frameworks,  where  the  analytical  tools  of  social 
semiotic theory are focused by core issues in the field 
of PUS, we can extract a more nuanced set of research 
questions in our study of data visualization in science 
communication,  building  on  the  broad  and  general 
questions formulated in the initial paragraph. We now 
ask: 
 
•  What  characterizes  the  visual  codes  applied  in 
DVs in successful PSC to inform about aspects of 
the world?
4
 
o  What DV types are used? What visual codes, 
metaphors,  forms  and  colors  are  applied? 
What is the level of information density?  
3
https://www.bt.no/btmeninger/debatt/i/LALy5V/slik-er-
de-norske-klimaskeptikerne 
4
 In this paper, «successful PSC» refers to award winning 
instances of Popular Science Communication.