Pekanbaru City Citizens Motivations in Communicating with Refugees

in Indonesia

Happy Wulandari, Abdul Muati Ahmad and Jusang Bolong

Faculty of Modern Languages and Communication, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Selangor, Malaysia

Keywords:

The Motive of Communication, Local Citizens and Refugee, Host Community, Intercultural Communication,

Interpersonal Communication

Abstract:

Discovering the motive of why local citizens like to engage in communication with refugees can provide an

overview and insight to us in the study of intercultural communication in the situation of local citizens and

refugees in Pekanbaru city, Indonesia. This study used a qualitative method and rely on the researcher, an

open-ended in-depth interview, and observations to collect data. Data collected analyzed by using thematic

for the transcription and disclosure analysis for the observation data. Informants gathered by using purposive

sampling, other than requirement applied for that, the informants willingness to be involved in the study also

be considered. As this study focus on fulﬁlling the objective of the study, the result revealed the motive the

local citizens have why they want to communicate with the refugee is: inclusion, friendliness, and potential

prospect.

1 INTRODUCTION

A discovery of Pekanbaru city citizens motive of com-

munication branched from researcher curiosity on

why the local as the host community would engage

in communication with refugees despite there was no

obligation for them to do so and with the situation

where both parties disabilities in the language barrier.

The local could leave refugees alone since they are

under UNHCR and immigration care, but they dont.

Instead, they are trying to have a relationship with

refugees, communicate with them casually, hang out

with them, and maintain a friendship with them. In

addition, quoting the authority, the situation between

the local in Pekanbaru with refugees is conducive, or-

derly and ﬁne. As a result, researcher attracted to un-

derstand the motive of the local behavior in commu-

nicating with refugees.

This study of how Indonesian treats and behaves

on refugee is expected to contribute to government

policy on how to treat its society, on how to have

a role in a global level by involving the community,

and bring out the image of the Indonesian intercul-

tural communication act and view toward the new

phenomenon, and foreign issues. Indeed, with that

purpose, this study would be beneﬁcial not only for

the government but also for any institution related de-

partment to refugees and the host community and the

social issue in society.

2 BRIEF PICTURE OF

REFUGEES AND HOST

COMMUNITY SITUATION

The wave of refugees begins for a reason where a per-

son, a group of people, sometimes a village forced out

of their country because of combat, conﬂict or vio-

lence in their country. Usually, refugees remain close

to the nearest countries from which their origin before

joining resettlement to the third country. For exam-

ple, Rohingya to Indonesia or Somali to Kenya, while

others keep moving on in the hope to get permanent

protection or permanent place to continue their lives

restored. These people, later taken care by UNHCR

or related humanity organization to channel to a cer-

tain developed country to get protection or even new

permanent citizenship.

Now there are approximately 68, 5 Million of

them around the world (UNHCR, 2018). Under the

reason of humanity, many countries help these people

temporarily, including Indonesia as one of the transit

countries in South Asia.

Despite the fact that refugees need to be helped

because of their situation, the continuity life between

Wulandari, H., Ahmad, A. and Bolong, J.

Pekanbaru City Citizens Motivations in Communicating with Refugees in Indonesia.

DOI: 10.5220/0009426404650471

In Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Social, Economy, Education and Humanity (ICoSEEH 2019) - Sustainable Development in Developing Country for Facing Industrial

Revolution 4.0, pages 465-471

ISBN: 978-989-758-464-0

465

the host community and the refugees is not neces-

sarily peaceful, most of it is in a fragile situation

where mistrust swirl around the air. For example,

xenophobia and anti-refugee in German (Ben

cek and

Strasheim, 2016), the protest of South Korea toward

Yemeni refugee to the government (Smith, 2018) even

though the government is trying to transforming its

policies and practices toward the growing population

of refugees (Schattle and McCann, 2013), and other

patterns that can be easily found on the news nowa-

days.

If the assumption toward the issues between host

community and refugee is because dissimilarities of

the people and the refugee in those countries have to

one another, apparently, that is not necessarily true.

Such as Jordanian and Syrian which eventually after

two years accommodating them, high tension rise be-

tween them (Luck, 2013) By the same token, a Somali

refugee in Kenya, where the Human Security Issues

there was in solving the easily broken social environ-

ment between both (Kumssa and Jones, 2014).

In contrast to those phenomena, the local citizens

and refugees in Indonesia known as a secured and

nonviolent up until now. Then this becomes unique

and worth to examine in depth form so it can be re-

vealed what an advantage in the situation Indonesia

might be.

3 REFUGEES IN INDONESIA

As a transit country, Indonesia government together

with the UNHCR, actions in three steps to help the

refugees: discovering-settling-monitoring during the

time refugees remain in Indonesia. As for how it has

been known that refugees mostly coming from paths

that mostly not in the safe way, such as Myanmar

refugees who arrived after moment wobbling in the

sea and helped by Indonesia ﬁshery who found them.

That is why Indonesia government start its work by

discovery.

Once in the past, Indonesia successfully partic-

ipates in helping the victim of the Vietnam War

by serving one from its islands in Pulau Galang,

Batam City, Indonesia to accommodate Vietnam War

refugees in 1970s-1990s. The camp is emptied by

now since the Vietnam Wars refugees ﬂed back to

their country. However at the time 1970s-1990s many

things happened there, as a human being there were

sickness, life, and death, so things from the past re-

main there.

Pekanbaru City is one of the 13-pointed city to

accommodate international refugees, known for it’s

an encouraging and safeguarded relationship between

the local citizens and the refugees (Putra, 2015).

There is 1,133 population of refugees in Pekan-

baru city who come from 11 countries, Afghanistan,

Pakistan, Iran, Iraq, Srilanka, Myanmar, Palestine,

Bangladesh, Jordan, Somalia, and Sudan (Haris-

manto, 2019).

Acting as a transit country means Indonesia giv-

ing momentary accommodation for refugees. It is,

but practically it doesnt. According to the Pekanbaru

immigration ofﬁcer, truthfully it is unlimited. After

10 years accommodated in Indonesia, its up to the

refugees with UNHCR where will they be going next

(Harismanto, 2017). Apparently, with third countries

undermining their acceptance, refugees may be stuck

for a lifetime in Indonesia (Bemma, 2018; Cochrane,

2018).

Table 1: Refugees in Indonesia in December 2016

Country Refugees Asylum-seekers Total

Afghanistan 4,379 2,775 7,154

Myanmar 887 67 954

Somalia 545 898 1,446

Sri Lanka 343 197 540

Nigeria - 725 725

Iraq 374 572 946

Others 1,296 1,344 2,640

Total 7,827 6,578 14,405

Source: UNHCR Indonesia Factsheet, December 2016

4 PEKANBARU CITY ON

REFUGEE

According to UNHCR, Pekanbaru is in the top ﬁve

cities that accommodate the most refugees from 13

cities (Ant, 2018) with the number growing, recent

data stated there are 1.176 refugees in Pekanbaru (Pu-

tra, 2018).

Refugees in Pekanbaru is coordinated under le-

gal political and human rights coordination ministry,

managed by the authorized immigration together with

International Organization for Migration (IMO) that

also part of UNHCR. So the immigration work in

discovery, accommodate, security, and observation.

Since this a coordinated work from the central gov-

ernment, then local authorization continue the respon-

sibility following the guidance from the center.

Because the number continues to grow, immigra-

tion in Pekanbaru had to manage refugees onto sev-

eral places called as community house and detention

house. Those named Wisma Panel Rumbai, Siak Re-

sort,, Hotel Rina, Hotel Satria (1, 2, 3), Hotel D Cops,

Wisma Indah, Hotel Tasoya, and Wisma Novri where

ICoSEEH 2019 - The Second International Conference on Social, Economy, Education, and Humanity

466

this study conducted (Putra, 2018). In addition, re-

cently the Pekanbaru immigration had to move some

of refugees onto farther place named Hotel Orchid

(Armanda, 2019), with the reason to make refugees

comfortable, minimize clash between them, and other

reasong related to health and sanitary.

Pekanbaru is the capital city of Riau Province, in

Indonesia. It is in Sumatera Island; with its 1,046

Million residents (Jumlah Penduduk, 2017) make it

one of the most populous cities on this island, after

Medan and Palembang. Since it is located on the

Siak River, which drains into the Strait of Malacca

and with its access to the busy strait and trading

port, made Pekanbaru City famous for its trade route

(Pekanbaru, 2019). Known as Malay island, Pekan-

baru city shared Malay cultural value and Muslim re-

ligion as the major religion followed by the society.

Most of refugees are Muslim, since they come

from Muslim country such as Afghanistan, Iraq, and

Iran which researcher thought this similarity could be

the aspect that chance of those refugees to stay in

Pekanbaru bigger. Even some of them come from

Myanmar, however those who arrived in Pekanbaru

happened to practice Islam too. However, further re-

search on this is necessary that researcher would like

to ask it to the informants in this study.

5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

Pekanbaru city hosts 1,133 international refugees

onto 8 community houses and 1 detention house

(Harismanto, 2019). Community house placed among

locals residence which made refugees immediately

contact with locals in their daily activity.

Table 2: Refugees in Wisma Novri

Nation Total

Palestine 33

Myanmar 32

Iraq 27

Afghanistan 11

Iran 8

Somalia 5

Sri Lanka 4

Syria 1

Jorda 1

Pakistan 2

Total 124

Source: Pekanbaru city Immigration, 2015

In the ﬁrst place, following the Interpersonal Com-

munication Motives Model (ICM) by Graham et al.,

(1993), directed that motive communication evaluated

by the reﬂection in how a person talks with others

(communicator style), who a person talks to (rela-

tionship level), and what a person talks about (self-

disclosure). Considering those aspects, there are three

themes arises as to the result of the research objec-

tives. The motive of communication is for the sense

of inclusion by the local citizens toward the refugees,

then as the sign of friendliness, and the last is poten-

tial prospect which means informants see refugees as

a potential market.

In addition to this aspect, the researcher also con-

siders the result of the Hofstede cultural dimension,

to see the possibility of locals behavior from a culture

point of view. The Hofstede insight releases the result

on the page with the details of Indonesia as follow:

low score in uncertainty avoidance, a high score in

power distance, a collectivist culture, considered low

masculine, and a long term orientation culture.

Table 3: Refugees in Wisma Novri

Name Gender Age Brief Background

Yul Female 52

The wife of the leader who

often interacts with refugees.

Dre Male 23

The son of the leader, a young local

citizen who likes to mingle with the

young refugees.

Jok Male 49

A local citizen who used to work

as a security guard.

Sya Male 45

A local citizen who works as a

security guard.

Gar Male 45

A local citizen who annually mingles

with refugees.

5.1 Inclusion

Local citizens have a habit to communicate with

the refugees for the purpose of passing the time

or they usually say it like just feeling like it. In

most cases, the conversation between Yul (one

of the informant) and the refugees usually takes

place in a house while selling food for lunch.

Meanwhile, Mar who is a refugee mother of four

from Myanmar and her sons often visited and

helped Yul in arranging the items. Furthermore,

both wore similar theme clothes named as daster in

Indonesian language. Daster is a simple blouse,

usually has batik pattern that is usually worn by

mothers at home.

Yul stated that she recognizes most of the refugees

around the community house. However, she only

talks with those who often communicate with her

such as Mars family from Myanmar. Mar often visits

her house to sit down or sometimes help her prepare

food to sell every day. Mar has four kids; hence, she

will bring the kids together when visiting Yuls house.

Pekanbaru City Citizens Motivations in Communicating with Refugees in Indonesia

467

In addition, Yul likes to share food with Mar and her

family after all the chores are done, while Mars kids

also like to buy snacks from Yuls store.

On the other hand, Jok, Sya, and Gar have ran-

dom refugee friends to talk to; however, Moh (cen-

sored) from Iran and Nor from Myanmar are the most

often ones. In particular, they always share conversa-

tion regarding war, family, or jokes.

As the whole interview is done, most informants

said the situation what they feel and think of refugees

were, I feel sorry for them, the second said They are

the victim of war I could not imagine how sad is that

the third said They have no place to go, the fourth

showed a gesture of sigh, the ﬁfth sad frowned and

said Well Pity

Sometimes, the inclusion between the local and

refugees in their interaction means they will sit, talk-

ing, and doing nothing together under this one big tree

around the area. They spent their break time there,

mostly after 4 PM both parties would start to gather

around the spot. Yul said, this is not an obligation, but

somehow both parties know about this habit, its like

a thing they have to control each other presence. For

example, if Gar didnt see Moh several times when he

was together at the spot, he would ask other refugees

about Moh, what happen to him or simple where he

was.

5.2 Friendliness

The informants stated that their communication oc-

curs normally and they kept repeating Just happen

like that as the same answer. In addition, they even

answered using masa iya mau ditolak in Bahasa In-

donesia expression which showed that they are ﬁne

when the refugees come to approach and appreciate

them.

On the other setting, informant Gar and Moh of-

ten talk under the tree near the community house. Gar

with his black and blue security uniform and Moh

with his t- shirt and short pants, both sat side by side

chatting. They were joking and smoking together. It

is a casual gesture for them to share cigarettes when

they are engaging in a conversation. One time, Moh

jokingly insisted to Gar to give him cigarettes be-

cause he knew that Gar just got an incentive from his

works, Gar then shared his happiness. Not only that,

when some of informants and refugees saw that, they

wanted it as well, so that time refugees and informants

enjoyed cigarettes while talking together.

While informants being asked, how usually the

communication started, they said the communication

Just happens like that. In a situation where they dont

expect visit by their refugees friend, they still interact

with them, they answered in Indonesia language

masa iya mau ditolak which has an expression even

though they dont feel like to have a guess or not in

the mood to interact, they dont ﬁnd any reason to

reject if so, they dont want to.

Ya They come to you or sit near you. Do you

want to shush them off ? Of course not. They are not

doing anything wrong. Sya said.

. I close with Mar (the Myanmar refugee), she

comes daily here. Help me with cook, chores, I do

not ask her to, but she comes, and I am just welcome

to her. I guess it is boring there (refer to inside the

building), that is why they like to be outside around

the building. Yul said.

Then beside being friendly researcher would pro-

pose to being understanding because the informants

understand that refugees may need friends to talk to

and they wanted to support.

This also probably affected by a collectivist cul-

ture, where they like to keep harmony and peace to

one another. Hofstede said collectivists are less con-

cerned with people who belong to some other group

the out-group and tend to view boundaries between

one group and another to be relatively impermeable.

Then this may because Yul and Mar not engage in

disclosure conversation these times. So regardless of

refugees is in fact out a group of the local community,

the locals through the informants behave in the sake

of harmony to their environment.

5.3 Pontential Prospect

Lastly, informants see refugee as a potential con-

sumer. In the beginning, informants not that aware

of this idea. Because they were focusing more on the

excitement of foreign people come to their area. Then

after times goes by, after engaging longer with them,

from the information shared, they start to realize the

possibility. Then, informants started by renting them

vehicles that in the present moment no longer permit-

ted by the government, other than that the local still

sell vegetables, and else as needed by the refugees.

The locals will come to the refugees and ask what

they need, then they search the items and when they

found it, they sell it to refugees. In other time, for ex-

ample, if they think its something refugees possibly

need, they do not ask, they directly bring the items

and offer to them. In addition, near the refugee build-

ing, in the same alley, there are six houses that own

personal stores. Couple of them positioned at the

front of the building, and besides the building, they

ICoSEEH 2019 - The Second International Conference on Social, Economy, Education, and Humanity

468

sell food, mineral water in galloon that has refugees

as their daily buyer.

Seeing items they sell and how they sell it, it

doesnt seem like the local would like to dig refugees

money, because they knew at the ﬁrst place how and

why refugees could have arrived at their area and they

feel sorry for that.

6 INDONESIA’S CULTURAL

DIMENSION

Hofstede research about Indonesia national cultural

dimension concluded in the site named Hofstede-

Insight. According to the result of study, Indonesia

cultural dimension can be read as follows.

6.1 Low Score of Uncertainty Avoidance

According to the previous study, Indonesia known

as the average position in the range (Irawanto et al.,

2011). Meanwhile Hofstede stated that Indonesia has

a low preference for avoiding uncertainty. Means

there is a strong preference of separation of internal

self from external self when facing the uncomfortable

situation, for example when in an angry state; she

would try not to show negative emotion externally.

So, it is possible for an Indonesian, in this matter the

local as they might intentionally hides his or her neg-

ative feeling toward refugees existence.

6.2 High Power Distance

According to Hofstede, Indonesia scores high on this

dimension with the following characters; reliant on

hierarchy, imbalanced rights between power holders

and non-power holders, superiors distant, leaders are

directive, management controls, and delegates. Fur-

thermore, the communication is indirect and negative

feedbacks are hidden. In that situation, it is possible

in the ﬁeld that the local citizens acceptance in the

moment when they started accepting refugees in their

area is because they are affected by the government as

they acknowledge its central position.

6.3 Collectivism

Momeka (as cited in Forysth, 2006) said collectivists

feel a close empathy with one another and, so, are

more possible to adopt a mutual orientation to their

groups. They emphasis their tie and energy on peo-

ple who ﬁt in to their group the in-group and are

less concerned with people who belong to some other

group the out-group. They assess their involvements

in their groups more, this relationship consider to be

steady and long-term, and tend to view limitations be-

tween one group and another to be relatively imper-

meable.

So, as is in the Chinese philosophy where col-

lectivism is valued, its not grounded on what a per-

son has done as an individual, but what a person has

done as a group member. They have faith in helping

family or company is far more important than help-

ing yourself (Berko et al., 2010). Another example

is African cultures wherein communication; explicit

verbal messages are avoided, as a result showing re-

jection or saying no directly is often avoided. This

culture focused on keep up a good relationship with

others (Hebbani et al., 2010). In this situation, it

would one thing be hold by the local citizen in keep

up in harmony with refugees.

6.4 Femininity

Agreeing to Hofstede, Indonesia considered low Mas-

culine (i.e., high Femininity culture). However, he

points that it is not so low like North European coun-

tries. Indonesia is less masculine than other Asian

countries like China, Japan, and India. Means, in In-

donesia status and visible symbol of success are es-

sential but it is not always material gain that brings

motivation. In feminine culture, people value equality

and solidarity where conﬂicts ﬁxed by compromise

and negotiation.

Furthermore, local citizens agreed that the

refugees may misbehave at some points, but they

stated they would not take it personally and choose

to be understanding. The local citizen chose not to

give much attention on it for the ﬁrst time as the lo-

cal also emphasize the value of tolerances if there is

a miscommunication. All these signs showed by the

informants describe the characteristic of this assertive

behavior.

6.5 Long Term Orientation

Long-term orientation is the extent to which a cul-

ture emphasizes pragmatic, future-oriented perspec-

tive (Moon et al., 2014). Besides, Hofstede talked

about this culture as for how every society has to

maintain some relations with its past while dealing

with the challenges of the present and future. Thus

societies handle these two objectives differently. The

long term usually thinks more because they tend to

think for future sake, while the short term cultures

think for the present moment.

Hofstede said that Indonesia has a realistic culture

Pekanbaru City Citizens Motivations in Communicating with Refugees in Indonesia

469

with high in long term orientation. Means, the society

show an ability to adapt traditions effortlessly, also

has a stout tendency to save and invest, thriftiness,

and diligence in accomplishing outcomes.

7 METHODOLOGY

This is a pure research that objects to understand

the experience of the local citizens on their communi-

cation interaction with refugees, by focusing on the

reasons why they want to be involved in commu-

nication activities with refugees. The research area

will be in one of the 8 community houses, namely

Wisma Novri, where in this area there are around 124

refugees from 11 nations. Wisma Novri itself is a

building owned by a local citizen that has been hired

since 2014 by UNHCR for temporary refugee resi-

dences even if it is not determined.

There were ﬁve informants selected based on the

purposive sample. The researcher also considers the

willingness factor for informants to be involved in this

research. Informants interviewed mostly with some

refugees around, so researcher beneﬁtted by the inter-

action both made along with the interview.

There is a classiﬁcation of data sources, such as

primary and secondary data sources. Primary, includ-

ing informants as those who are directly experienced

in the phenomenon under study. Secondary are sup-

porting documents such as the release of reports from

UNHCR, Indonesian immigration, and other related

authorization as well as testimonies or answers di-

rectly from the authorities, who in this study were

from the Head of Tanah Merah Village where the

Wisma Novri area is located.

In the ﬁeld, 5 informants were selected. Where

these ﬁve people will be given the same questions in

the theme of exploring what their motives for com-

munication are to refugees. Along with the interview

given, the researcher also applied observations on the

gestures delivered by them during interviews.

Additionally, observations were carried out out-

side interview period, which later would be conﬁrmed

again with the informants. From the data collected,

researchers will conduct daily transcripts of interview

data and note ﬁelds for observation. Next, the daily

results will be seen from the code generated to con-

sider the data saturation point. Until ﬁnally, all data

will be analyzed using discourse analysis for data

from observation and analysis thematic for data from

transcript texts.

All data that has been collected, then analyzed,

will be validated using Triangulation, which is used

is the method triangulation, theory triangulation, and

data source triangulation. For example, all the data

later, will be asked again or conﬁrmed again to the

informants involved.

8 CONCLUSION

As the result of this research, ﬁve informants and

three supportive refugees were selected. For the most

part, the informants refer to local citizens who had the

most interaction and highest communication rate with

the refugees. Secondary data from the authority was

obtained from the village leader as part of data afﬁr-

mation. The research used the thematic analysis for

data interview as well as a discourse analysis for data

observation after the data collection process reached

the saturation point. The data was then validated by

using triangulation.

In the beginning, before refugees directed to the

research area, UNHCR together with the immigration

ofﬁcers went approach the local community through

small meeting with the head of the village and the

head of the area. They told the local and related of-

ﬁcials that they would bring refugees in and live in

the building. They came couple of times and with

that, they also asked the local to eagerly participate

in refugees adjustment moment. In addition, Indone-

sian government guaranteed the local with safety in

case problems occur between them and the refugees.

As the result, the early brieﬁng by the authority on

refugee before they actually settled and the safety,

could have made the locals conﬁdently wanted to en-

gage in the communication with refugees.

There were ﬁve informants presented and a sup-

portive three refugees. Informants were the local cit-

izens who had the most interaction and communicate

constantly with refugees. Also, as data afﬁrmation,

there was secondary data from the authority that was

the village leader. After data collection reached a

saturation point; this research proceeded to use the

framework analysis for data interview and discourse

analysis for data observation. Then data validated by

using triangulation.

Then, relying on proxemics zone, the local citi-

zens and refugee are in an intimate zone, where they

stay or sit comfortably close to each other, share the

cigarettes and delivered jokes to each other. However,

speaking from the quality of their interpersonal rela-

tionship, they are not that close in term of an interper-

sonal relationship, which is to be in this relationship it

required self-disclosure that not occurred in the local

citizens refugee relationship in the researched area.

According to the ﬁeld observation, Yul frequently

interacted to Mar the Myanmar refugee inside her

ICoSEEH 2019 - The Second International Conference on Social, Economy, Education, and Humanity

470

house, both of them wore the typical casual dress of

Indonesian motherly for homey setting, called daster,

both wore short hijab, and they discuss a casual topic

such as food seasoning or weathercast. Correspond-

ingly, based on the topic of their conversations, self-

disclosure such as favoritism (favorite food, favorite

movie) was absent in the interaction.

In addition, cultural discussion in communication

considered as one since they connect to each other.

Many scholars look it based on the values it united.

Because values give order and guidance to peoples

thought and actions as they face the commonality in

the social order (LeFebvre and Franke, 2013) so that,

it can be used to predict the behavioral pattern in so-

ciety.

Hofstedes result in cultural dimensions in Indone-

sia seen in both areas (the Hofstedes result and re-

search ﬁeld). Since as known that Hofstedes result

covers a national area, however, looking at how dis-

tinctive a culture in an area, the result may or may not

entirely pictured in the local area. In that sense, the

Hofstedes result combined with the actual condition

of research area. Which then helped in explaining the

cause of certain behavior made by the local.

In a nutshell, the local citizen engaged in com-

munication with the refugees based on three aspects,

that is to say inclusion, friendliness, and potential

prospects. Resulting, the local citizens and refugee

were observed to be in an intimate zone based on the

proxemics zone because they stayed or sat comfort-

ably close to each other. However, they are not that

close judging from the quality of their interpersonal

relationship. Self-disclosure is required to be in this

relationship, but none was found in the local citizens

refugee relationship.

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