Cozy Relationship between Bureaucrats and Politicians in West Aceh
Regent Election
Ikhsan
1
and Vellayati Hajad
1
1
Department of Social and Political Science, University of Teuku Umar
Keywords: Politics, bureaucracy, politicians, bureaucrats and local election
Abstract: This research focuses on the relation between bureaucrats and politicians in West Aceh. The main goal of the
study is to capture a comprehensive picture of the involvement of bureaucracy actors in Pilkada (regional
head election). This research used a qualitative method. The data collections use through the in-depth
interview and document analysis. Bureaucrats are required to be neutral in every election. However, the
literature shows that the bureaucrats remain involved in political practices and have a cozy relationship with
politicians. That is why the question comes up. Why are the bureaucrats still involved in politics even though
it is not allowed by law? The results of this study are: (1) Direct election has been fertile ground for
paternalism culture in bureaucracy; (2) Before and after the election, the strategic position in bureaucracy tend
to be the gifts for the loyal person. It became the attraction for the bureaucrats to be the candidate supporters
in the regent’s election. On the other hand, many people in strategic positions lost their positions due to
political reasons.
1 INTRODUCTION
This article discusses the relationship between
bureaucrats and politicians after the autonomy
implementation in West Aceh. Bureaucrats play a
vital role in arranging, implementing, and supervising
public policy as well as inevaluating. In this strategic
position, it is common that there will always be an
effort to involve bureaucrats in the administrative
area. Consciously or subconsciously, the
bureaucratsarethe means of achieving, maintaining,
or extending politician power. For that reason, this
article focuses on the relation between bureaucrats
and politicians who tend to seek a balanced position.
Therefore, government bureaucrats, directly or not,
are related to those with political interest, and a cozy
relationship emerges between them after the
individual autonomy.
Previous studies about the relation between
bureaucrats and politics discuss the case in national
level. However, this article focusesonthe relation
ofthe regional level. Bureaucracy and politician have
a close relationship since the local autonomy is
implemented in Aceh. It becomes worse by the direct
system of regional head election. The direct regional
head election is the implementation of Laws (UU)
No. 32/2004 which is operationalized through
Government Regulation (PP) No. 6/2005.
Unfortunately, in this direct regional head election,
the bureaucracy tends to be a political machine, and it
is likely to give bad impact to the realization of
bureaucracy reformation.
The anomaly of bureaucracy relation also happens
in other countries when the bureaucracy considered
the more influential power than any other social
groups. In Japan, for example, bureaucrats in
particular department like in Ministry of International
Trade and Industry, are regarded as permanent
politicians who determine the realization of the
‘economic miracle’ (Heywood & Meyer-Sahling,
2013). In England, on the other hand, bureaucrats are
referred to as Britain’s ruling class because of the
strong influential power that they wield more than
those owned by the cabinet. In Europe, the
bureaucrats are generally considered to be the real
power wielders and executives.
The relationship between bureaucracy and
politician in regional level in Indonesia, West Aceh is
appropriate to serve as the object of study. West Aceh
is one of the regencies in Aceh province. After the
special autonomy, West Aceh owns exclusivity in
boththe implementation of administration and
budgeting aspect. Regarding administration, special
1496
Ikhsan, . and Hajad, V.
Cozy Relationship between Bureaucrats and Politicians in West Aceh Regent Election.
DOI: 10.5220/0009930714961503
In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 1496-1503
ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9
Copyright
c
2020 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
autonomy offers the ex-Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (The
Free Aceh Movement) members to be involved in
local political parties, such as Partai Aceh. As a result,
it enables the ex-GAM members to become a regent
(regional head) or become a member of Dewan
Perwakilan Rakyat Kabupaten or DPRK Aceh Barat
(West Aceh Regional Parliament). Meanwhile, the
others are offered to work in the government as
bureaucrats like a regionalsecretary, head of the
department, and other government officers.
Bureaucracy and politics are two different, yet
inseparable institutions in West Aceh because both of
them contribute to theregional administration. The
contribution is by administering check and balance
process in order that the government administration is
always on the right track, especially Aceh with its
special autonomy that offers authority in politics and
economy. The political autonomy is indicated by the
emergence of the local political party like Partai Aceh
as the union for ex-GAM after the conflicts ended.
The economic autonomy is showed by the abundance
of special autonomy budget to be managed by the
regional government. In this special autonomy
situation, the bureaucrats and politicians are supposed
to create a dynamic and constructive interaction.
However, instead of creating the dynamic and
constructive interaction, these institutions develop a
cozy relationship in regional level which at last sets
aside public interest.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW AND
RESEARCH FOCUS
Study about bureaucracy is inseparable from Weber’s
bureaucracy paradigm which focuses on structural
and functional phenomena which characteristics are
specific and formal (legal). This Weber’s bureaucracy
is classic or traditional (traditional paradigm) because
its concept and application tend to be at the maximum
development of organization and bureaucracy and
less at humanity dimension. Interaction in the
bureaucracy is hierarchical and formal. Max Weber,
a prominent figure who illustrates modern
bureaucracy concept, purposes Weberian
bureaucracy model. It refers to a model that functions
bureaucracy to fulfil ideal criteria of Weber
bureaucracy. There are at least seven bureaucracy
criteria described by Max Weber, namely clear work
division, clear authority hierarchy, high
formalisation, impersonal, decision making about
employee placement that is based on competence,
track record of the career for the employees, and
organisational life that is clearly separated from
personal life (Fatah, 1994).
Weber in Latuconsina (2008) explains the
difference between modern bureaucracy and
patrimonial bureaucracy. The first element that
distinguishes is the existence of clientism, namely the
relationship of power that is built by rulers with the
power of the surrounding environment. In the modern
bureaucracy the loyalty center is in an impersonal
order in this case the law that governs everything. But
in clientism loyalty lies with superiors. Second, in the
modern bureaucracy the relationship between rulers
and their environment is more legal rational and open
but in the patrimonial bureaucracy the relationship is
patron client, so loyalty is in the boss and is built by
the charisma of individual superiors or the influence
of the material aspects of the leader. Third, according
to modern bureaucracy is the separation of formal
space and personal space while the patrimonial
bureaucracy is based on emotional and non-formal
relations (Latuconsina, 2008).
The emergence of patrimonial bureaucrats in
Indonesia is a legacy of the traditional value system
that grew in the past kingdoms and mixed with
colonial-style bureaucracy. So, the current
bureaucracy of Indonesia in addition to growing as a
modern bureaucracy is also colored by the traditional
bureaucracy of past inheritance. Like the courtiers
and priyayi who also layered, state employees also
consist of various ranks, groups and echelons. The
state servant's slogan is a servant of the nation bearing
the meaning of the above-oriented and very similar to
the royal bureaucracy which emphasizes more on the
leader (above) than the service to the community
(bottom).
The development of patrimonial culture makes
the growth of the spoil system in the bureaucratic
body. The Spoil system is a system that prioritizes
political interests, political struggles, a political
stream, ideology and political beliefs, especially after
winning votes after the election. Of course this is very
dangerous. Ideally, the bureaucracy adheres to the
merit system and career system, which is to avoid
bureaucratic affiliation with politics (in terms of
cooperation or symbiotic ties with political parties
and politicians in it), or dare to make a sterile
bureaucracy and dare to create distance with political
parties and politicians so that the bureaucracy only
give loyalty to the people, nation and state, instead of
being a building block, "political machine" and
lackeys of political interests and power. Thus, it can
be minimized what is called abuse of power and
rampant corruption for the benefit of a political party
or a minor of politicians (Sunantara, 2006).
Cozy Relationship between Bureaucrats and Politicians in West Aceh Regent Election
1497
Weber expects the bureaucracy to maintain its
neutrality; it does not involve in any party. Neutrality
is also related to keeping the distance, uninvolved,
unbiased, and impartial acts towards the existing
political parties or particular groups because
bureaucracy is supposed to be able to direct,
empower, and create competition in public services to
the society (Osborne and Gaebler, 2005). This
neutrality challenge of bureaucracy becomes a
significant issue and always appears in every election,
either legislative or executive election. Because
bureaucracy is expected to be able to work as a
professional and neutral institution (Asmerom, Reis,
1996).
Nevertheless, there are always some challenges in
realizing neutrality and professionalism of the
bureaucratic officials in the government, one of them
is the case of political officials’ arbitrariness to the
career officials (Fachruddin, 2012). Therefore, to
sustain their neutrality, the bureaucrats are demanded
to be professional by creating a balanced relation
pattern between politics and bureaucracy. This
relation balance needs to be clear and stablefor the
roles and responsibilities of those institutions
(Kurniawan, 2009).
Carino (1994) offers a solution to this problem.
He suggests that the politics-bureaucracy relation
need to be in ‘bureaucratic sublation’ pattern. This
type refers to the relation which is relatively equal and
balanced between the politicians and bureaucrats.
This pattern based on the conception that bureaucracy
is not merely an instrument entity or a means of
administrating public policies only. The argument of
bureaucratic sublation states that despite being
apolitical and non-partisan, bureaucracy also
possesses power and its resources when it deals with
political officials, especially concerning its
professional abilities. As a consequence, bureaucracy
is not only as a political subordination but also as
balancing power (Carino, 1986).
In Indonesia, bureaucracy-politics relation has
generated a vast number of studies. One of them is
Jackson’s study that considers bureaucracy in
Indonesia belongs to bureaucratic polity model,
where power accumulation happens in the state and
sets aside society roles from political space and
government (Jackson, 1980). On the other hand,
Orwell's bureaucracy is a bureaucratization pattern as
a process of government power expansion to control
economic, political and social activities using some
regulations even some forces (Thoha, 2012). Thus,
bureaucracy in Indonesia does not improve and
become more efficient. It becomes inefficient,
complicated, and unsuitable with the formal
regulations. This might happen since the bureaucrats
and politicians run ‘politik balas budi’or ethical
politics, where politicians choose bureaucrats.
Indonesia still uses the system of patrimonial
bureaucracy. Where any policies and regulations are
issued within the framework of politicization. So that
it creates a political bureaucracy like the one in the
model above. This is a system that must be eliminated
and corrected, because by remaining in this system
the framework of the Indonesian bureaucracy will
continue to inherit socio-economic diseases to the
lower generations who are none other than relatives
who have close ties with the previous generation of
bureaucracy (Damanhuri, 2006).
This phenomenon underlies the questions of this
study, which consist of: How is the relation between
bureaucrats and politicians during West Aceh’s
regional-head election in 2017? In West Aceh’s
regional head election, can the bureaucrats (who are
also civil servants) maintain their neutrality before the
election process?
3 RESEARCH METHOD
The research method uses a scientific procedure to
obtain data for particular reasons (Craswell, 2014).
This study uses the qualitative method with a case
study approach. This type of research aims to attain
the answer for the posed question using one’s
opinion, responses or perceptions, so it discusses the
results in qualitative with the description. This study
attempts to seek description from activities by
examining problems, applicable procedures,
applicable relations, attitude, view, and the ongoing
process as well as its influence.
The data collection in this research an applies in-
depth interview and literature study. For the
interview, the interviewees are determined by using
purposive sampling method, where the number of
interviewees is based on the needs of the data and the
chosen interviewee is an individual who
comprehends bureaucrats-politician relation in a
regional head election in West Aceh. They are
bureaucrats, election supervisory committee (panwas
pilkada), society and politician. The data collection is
administered through literature study, that is, by using
primary and secondary sources (books, journals,
research reports, mass media, and internet).
Qualitative data analysis is a systematic process
of searching and constructing data from interviews,
field notes, and documentation by organizing the data
into categories, analyzing units, synthesizing,
organizing into patterns, selecting the important and
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useful parts for the study, and drawing conclusion, so
the result is understandable for the researcher and
other parties. Data analysis in qualitative studies is
conducted before, during and after going to the
research field.
4 THE RESULT OF THE STUDY
4.1 The Relation of Bureaucrats and
Politicians: Learning from West
Aceh
For West Aceh society, regional head election 2017
is the third election held in West Aceh after the
implementation of special autonomy. Direct elections
have some fundamental distinctions with those in the
New Order era in which eligibility is determined by
political elites in-district Legislative Council
(DPRD). In the regime of the direct regional head
election, political party supports are only needed in
the candidacy process. To win the election, a
candidate has to attain majority votes. It means that
whoever wants to be the regional head of West Aceh
s/he has to own the strong popularity and political
machine.
In the West Aceh context, a political machine for
winning the election is the political party of ex-GAM
network, families, kinship, and bureaucracy.
Bureaucracy becomes a vital political machine,
especially for two candidates who had ever become
West Aceh regional head, they are Ramli MS (2007-
2012 period) and T. Alaidinsyah (2012-2017) who
currently are competing for the seat of West Aceh
regional head.
Table 1: Serial Number, Candidate Pairs, and Supporting
Parties
No Candidate names Supporting Parties
1
HT Alaidinsyah
/ H Kamaruddin
Partai Amanat Nasional
(PAN), PDIP, Partai Golka
r
PPP, PKB, Partai Demokra
t
(PKS)
2
H Ramli MS/
Banta Puteh Syam
Partai Aceh (PA)
3
Fuad Hadi/
Muhammad Arif
Independent
Source: KIP Aceh Barat
The primary indication of the close bureaucracy
and politician is that the bureaucracy politicization
happens before and after the regional head election.
For example, the transfer of 10 civil servants in
Education Board in 2012 who were suspected as
loyalists of the former regional head, Ramli MS.
The transfer caused a presumption of civil
servants’ partiality towards one of the regional head
candidates. Hence, it is necessary to ‘clear’ the
bureaucracy ranks from this partiality. Another case
of transfers also occurred towards the regional
head election in 2017. The massive transfer happened
in 2016 that involved 234 civil servant officials. One
of them is the Head of West Aceh Regional Office of
Maritime and Fisheries, T. Helmi SP, MM, who was
discharged by T. Alaidinsyah (West Aceh Regent)
after being alleged to support Ramli MS.
Although the bureaucrat power is necessary for
winning the election, a regional head candidate must
have the support frompolitical parties, either by
national political parties or the local ones.
Meanwhile, to run for West Aceh’s regional head,
every candidate must be supported by 20% of 25 seats
in West Aceh Regional Parliament (DPRK). The final
voter’s data in the West Aceh regional head election
is in the following table.
Table 2: The Number of Final Voters and Polling Station
List in the West Aceh Regional Head Election
No Districts
Final
Voters
List
Total of
Polling
Stations
1
Arongan
Lambalek
8.004 28
2 Bubon 4.595 17
3
Johan
Pahlawan
41.711 90
4
Kaway
XVI
14.231 46
5 Mereubo 18.758 51
6
Pante
Ceuremen
7.771 25
7
Panton
Reu
4.475 20
8
Sama
Tiga
10.780 39
9
Sungai
Mas
2.879 18
10 Woyla 9.180 43
11
Woyla
Barat
5.483 27
12
Woyla
Timur
3.505 26
Total 131.372 430
Source: KIP Aceh Barat
An indication of the cozy relationship between
bureaucrats and politicians is that the bureaucracy
seems to support one of the candidates actively. The
most dominant mode is employing state resources to
elevate the supported candidate’s image,
Cozy Relationship between Bureaucrats and Politicians in West Aceh Regent Election
1499
especiallythe softest resource mobilization is the
installation of the prospective candidate banners all
over the city and the advertisements in mass media.
The banners and advertisements contain various
messages, from “Ied Mubarak” (Selamat Idul Fitri),
Happy Indonesian Independence Day, the description
of any sector development success, to the anti-drug
campaign. The messages brought by these media tend
to highlight the candidates’ personality than the
vision and mission of the government.
West Aceh election supervisory committee
realizes that there arerules violation in it. However,
the committees admitted that they face difficulties in
controlling this covert campaign. At least, there are
two reasons. First, the installation of various media
cannot be categorized into the campaign because it is
not campaign season yet. Thus, this kind of situation
is not the area of electoral law enforcement. Civil
servants could get sanction if they organize the
campaign, while so far, the involvement of
bureaucrats is hideous and rarely apparent in the
official campaign. Second, due to limited authority,
the supervisory committee can only warn without
being able to take any further action.
The competition in the West Aceh regional head
election was quite tricky. Although there were three
pairs of candidates, an intense competition happened
between Ramli MS and T. Alaidinsyah. It might
occur because both figures were the ex-
regents/regional heads in two different periods, 2007-
2012 and 2012-2017. The results of final ballot
counting are in Table 3.
Table 3: The Number of Votes for Each Candidate Pairs
in West Aceh Regional Head Election 2017
No. Candidate Pairs The number of Votes
1
HT Alaidinsyah/
H Kamaruddin
48.201 (45.93 %)
2
H Ramli MS/
Banta Puteh Syam
52.538 (50.06 %)
3
Fuad Hadi/
Muhammad Arif
4.213 (4.01 %)
Source: KIP of West Aceh
5 DISCUSSION AND
IMPLICATION
Since decentralization policy, regional autonomy,
and special autonomy in 2005, bureaucracy in West
Aceh level is in the form of patrimonial bureaucracy,
which is even worse than that in the New Order era.
Patrimonial bureaucracy is characterized by (1)
regional officials are selected based on personal and
political criteria; (2) position or function is regarded
as a means to accumulate wealth; (3), the officials
control everything, both political and administrative
function.
A phenomenon appears after special autonomy in
West Aceh is that bureaucracy and the bureaucrats are
politicized and mobilized only for political interest,
for instance, in the last 2017 regional head election,
bureaucracy and the bureaucrats separated into two
parts, those who supported Ramli MS (the regional
head in 2007-2012) and those who supported
T.Alaidinsyah (the regional head in 2012-2017). In
other words, both of them were incumbent and owned
their masses even in bureaucracy. In 2017 regional
head election, bureaucrats were forced to make
transparentchoices in order to survive and did not lose
their position in the future.
The relationship built in the bureaucracy during
the direct regional head election in West Aceh was
informal, personal, and caused several informal
habits. Many official dismissals prove it before the
election which followed by the emergence of some
unusual special staff positions. Special staff positions
are a subtle term for dismissing bureaucrats from their
duties as civil servants. It might happen because they
give their support to another politician in the election.
Therefore, the regional head election becomes the
occasion for a career promotion or position discharge.
An interview with one of the elementary school
principals (48 years old) on November 12
th,
2017 in
West Aceh confirms this matter.
“In the regional head election period, we are on
the horns of a dilemma. If our supported candidates
win, we will get an important position, well at least
we get transferred. However, if they lose, we should
be ready to get transferred to remote areas.”
The bureaucrat-politician relation indicates a
political intervention. Theoretically, political
intervention is a close relationship between
bureaucrats and politicians. There are some causes
why this might occur.
Figure 1: The Causes of Cozy Relationship between
Bureaucrats and Politicians
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1500
There are six reasons for the close relationship
between bureaucrats and politicians.The first is a
robust political primordialism, where kinship, ethical
politics, desires to develop family-based government,
seeking security, and opportunist behavior of the
bureaucrats exist. Second, check and balance
mechanism has not been well-implemented yet.
Third, the politicians’ power tends to corrupt, as
stated by Lord Acton. Fourth is the low maturity of
the political parties and high dependency towards
bureaucracy. Next, the low welfare of the bureaucrats
or civil servants in the remote area is likely to rise
rent-seeking activities through covert political
activities in order to gain additional income. The last
is the obscure and easy to politicized regulations, such
as the vulnerable instruments for employee
development, and ethic codes that have not been
institutionalized, the existence of status for the
regional head as staffing coach, and double position
of the head region and the political party’s chairman.
Viewed from Weber’s professional bureaucracy
concept, this close relationship does not fulfill the
criteria. A very cozy relationship between bureaucrats
and politicians during and after the head regional
election might cause a patrimonial bureaucracy. As
expressed by Eisenstadt in Latuconsina, patrimonial
bureaucracy is characterized by: first, official
recruitments are based on personal and political
criteria; second, positions are regarded as the source
of wealth and benefit; third, the officials control both
political and administration functions; and fourth,
every activity is directed by personal and political
relation. This situation could construct the official
behavior which is inclined to devote themselves to the
power (Latuconsina, 2008).
The normal relation after the implementation of
special autonomy is the dynamic one between
politicians and bureaucrats without omitting relation
balance between them. The balanced relation is not
the one that co-opts or collaborates for their interests
by discarding society interest. After the election is
over, the co-opting relation can be identified through
lobbying practices for seeking positions, political
intervention in the regional political arena. The
selection of public officials, such as Regional
Secretary (Sekda) and Head of Department and other
regional government officials, are not conducted
based on skills and competencies, but on political
party supports and personal closeness.
The cozy relationship between bureaucrats and
politicians is indeed a serious issue in developing
bureaucracy’s professionalism. The West Aceh
regent election also becomes an event for huge
interest battle, and instead of a political party, the
bureaucrats are frequently employed as a political
machine by politicians to win the election. The
increase of domination of political institution like
Partai Aceh, West Aceh Regional Parliament, and the
elected West Aceh Regent, towards bureaucracy
could perform control to the bureaucracy,and the
bureaucracy enjoys the control. On the other hand, the
masses outside bureaucracy are politically and
economically passive, so it makes their roles weak to
control the deviant behavior of the political
institutions and bureaucracy. When politics-
bureaucracy relations do not develop into a synergy
towards development in West Aceh and only focus on
the issue of position and project distribution, the
district economic growth will stagnate.Regarding the
topic, Junaidi (42 years old), a civil servant in West
Aceh on September 20
th,
2017, said:
“The loyal ones will get a promotion, and those
who are disloyal, no matter how good their
achievement is, will be discharged from their
position.”
It makes bureaucracy as an instrument of power
which is inseparable from the source of power itself.
The changes of private interests will influence
bureaucracy activities. Bureaucracy as political
power is full of political interests, such as
maintainingpower. The officials of local bureaucracy
in the government always conduct numerous
strategies and innovations to protect their agents and
political position. Three strategies can be used to
achieve their political goals, they are, doing
advocacy, decision making, budget-cutting, and
performing innovation to anticipate the situation and
condition as well as the processes faced by the
government organizations (Wilson, 1989).
Bureaucrats-politician relation here shows the up-
down pattern of relation, where bureaucrats act as
subordinate. The political officials use this situation
to manipulate them. The regional head could issue
any policy towards bureaucracy which is a
bureaucratic work area. Ramli MS, the Regent, could
include and place his people from Partai Aceh or
those linked with GAM to work in the bureaucracy.
Individual autonomy, at last, generates new ‘kings’
who act freely to control bureaucracy. If the
commands or instructions are not executed, it is
common to transfer, recruit, or even place new trusted
people as the replacement for the old bureaucrats.
Yusaini MS, S.Sos or Abu Yus, the head of Partai
Aceh West Aceh, frequently asserts through the
members of Partai Aceh during campaign period of
the election that civil servants who did not vote for
Ramli MS—who are supported by Partai Aceh—
must be ready to be downgraded or transferred or
moved to the remote area in West Aceh.
So manteng yang hanapileh partai nanggroe
akan kamoe pinah” which means, anyone who does
not choose Partai Aceh will be moved or transferred.
Transactional practices in the election and
placement of bureaucratic officials in West
Cozy Relationship between Bureaucrats and Politicians in West Aceh Regent Election
1501
Acehcompound the inferiority of bureaucrats. They
offer a position with some particular deals which
often cause the chaos in career coaching and create a
primitive and disproportionate bureaucracy.
It is undoubtedly unfortunate because special
autonomy aims to advance West Aceh with its
efficient governance. However, what happens, in
reality, is the contrary. Bureaucrats that are expected
to become the spearhead of the central government
regarding implementation of regional autonomy,
including the management of special autonomy
budgets that reach seven trillion per year, are shackled
by political interests and together with politicians in
the implementation of government.
This condition isunbearableto handle by the
Supervisory Committee of West Aceh District
because it is not the area forregional head election’s
law enforcement and also the weakness of authority
owned by the committee. The engagement of
bureaucracy in politics has driven apart this
institution from the vision of developing a
professional bureaucracy post-Reformation era. The
findings in the election of the 2017 West Aceh Regent
provide substantial grounds for rebuilding the civil
servants’ neutrality as before. From the findings, it
can be concluded that the relationship of bureaucracy
and politics is a cozy relationship, where both
bureaucrats and politicians are reciprocal, which
means the relationship makes both parties politically
support each other, both from the politicians and
bureaucrats. Politicians need bureaucracy as a
political machine and bureaucrats need the support of
politicians as a means of jumpstarting their careers.
6 CONCLUSIONS
Bureaucrats and politicians are two crucial elements
in the formation of political systems in a nation.
Politicians occupy the position of regional heads,
deputy heads of regions, and leaders and members of
the DPRK (regional parliament) who act as
policymakers while bureaucrats act as policy
implementers. Arrangement and policy-making are
political processes while administrative processes are
the responsibility of bureaucrats. So, the position of
bureaucrats and politicians are equal and
complementary and do not co-opt each other, let
alone create a cozy relationship to gain advantages,
such as positions.
In the election of 2017 West Aceh Regent, the
cozy relationship between bureaucrats and politicians
was stable. Bureaucracy is as if present to assist the
process of winning the candidates, it is either
incumbent or the other candidates. This relationship
is in the form of bureaucratic support to the victory of
candidate pair of regents in the election. It is evident
from the transfers before and after the election that
does not reflect the aspect of professionalism but
merely reflects the patrimonial relationship between
bureaucrats and politicians. Another indication is the
use of resources owned by the region to build the
excellent candidate's image either overtly or covertly.
There are two attempts in the rules enforcement of
neutrality for civil servants. First,the rules that bind
and limit the bureaucrats in political involvement,
that is by giving sanctions for those who commit it.
Furthermore, the sanctions do not only apply to civil
servants who campaign openly but also for those who
support candidates covertly. Second, sanctions
should be right on target. So, the cozy relationship
between bureaucrats and politicians cannot happen.
The service to the community becomes maximal
because of every position in government occupied by
individuals who are competent in their field.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This work was supported and financed by the BUDI
DN-LPDP (Scholarship Fund Management
Institution). All opinions, findings, and conclusions
are derived from the research and do not reflect the
BUDI DN-LPDP.
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