National Attributes in Foreign Policy: Poland Eastern Partnership

Teguh Andi Raharjo and Irfa Puspitasari

Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga

Keywords: Eastern Partnership, Foreign Policy, National Attritbutes, European Union, Poland.

Abstract: In this paper, the authors analyze the proposals for the formation of Eastern Partnership of the European

Union by Poland. Eastern Partnership is a form of EU cooperation with countries of Ukraine, Belarus,

Moldova, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and also Armenia which covers the political, economic, and social aspects.

The author uses a theoretical framework of national attributes level of analysis that includes several variable

namely size of country, geographic, demographic, and also political system. This paper argue that Poland's

national attributes have an effect on its foreign policy making in the proposed establishment of the Eastern

Partnership of the European Union.

1 INTRODUCTION

Poland is one of the countries that dare to offer new

policy programs in the European Union. Poland

itself only became a member of the European Union

in 2004 under the Treaty of Accession on 16 April

2003 in Athens along with nine other countries

(CNN, 2004). One of the policy programs in

question is the establishment of Eastern Partnership

filed with Sweden (Rahimov, 2010). This policy

program was presented in the European Union

General Affairs and External Relations Council on

26 May 2008 in Brussels and represented by each

foreign minister of EU countries.

Eastern Partnership is a forum aimed at

enhancing EU political and economic ties with

former Soviet Union countries (Rettman, 2009). The

countries involved are Armenia, Azerbaijan,

Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. The forum

is then used to discuss issues related to free trade,

visa access, and also energy security (Rahimov,

2010). All this time, it is only between countries that

are members of the European Union that can

collectively determine the above issues. In the

meantime, there is a relatively intense relation

between the above countries and the countries joined

with the EU. Therefore, the need for a multilateral

container that can accommodate the interests

between the two sides.

In addition, Rahimov (2010) argues that there are

several objectives for the European Union from

forming the Eastern Partnership itself. First, Eastern

Partnership is a counterweight to EU cooperation

programs so far. Previously, the EU does have a

program of cooperation with other regions such as

with Mediterranean countries embodied in the Union

for the Mediterranian or with the United States.

Secondly, Eastern Partnership aims to estimate the

integration between the EU and the countries

concerned. The integration is more specific to

discuss economic integration. Eastern Partnership

also aims to form joint political associations among

the countries involved.

During this time, there are several policies of the

EU related to its relationship with other countries.

One of them is the European Neighborhood Policy

which reaches to Russia in the east and Africa in the

south. However, Copsey and Pomorska (2014) argue

that the formation of Eastern Partnership has a

uniqueness over the previous policy because of

efforts to establish the Deep and Comprehensive

Free Trade Area in the region. Unlike the previous

European Neighborhood Policy, the European

Economic Area, the Deep and Comprehensive Free

Trade Area are more profound because of issues

such as visa liberalization. Therefore, it indicates the

existence of integrative efforts of the EU that

exceeds the cooperation effort solely with the

European Economic Area.

The author believes that the filing of the Eastern

Partnership is an interesting one. This is because the

conditions of the countries included in the policy

program are considered unstable and have internal

conflicts (Rahimov, 2010). Between Azerbaijan,

Georgia, and Moldova each have domestic separatist

conflict. In addition, the struggle for power in the

Raharjo, T. and Puspitasari, I.

National Attributes in Foreign Policy: Poland Eastern Partnership.

DOI: 10.5220/0010280800002309

In Proceedings of Airlangga Conference on International Relations (ACIR 2018) - Politics, Economy, and Security in Changing Indo-Paciﬁc Region, pages 595-601

ISBN: 978-989-758-493-0

595

Nagorno-Karabakh region between Azerbaijan and

Armenia also became one of the instability of the

area targeted by Eastern Partnership. Belarus has not

yet undergone any economic or democratic reforms

that are one of the values upheld by the European

Union. The use of partnership terms is also a

problem, given that its implementation emphasizes

the EU's role as a top-down regulator rather than a

linear partnership. Therefore, the authors feel the

need for further research on why Poland proposed

the establishment of Eastern Partnership to the

European Union.

To analyze it, in this paper the author uses the

level of analysis of national attributes. According to

Fearon (1998), the national attribute is a

characteristic that is the result of construction of the

state used to carry out its foreign policy.

Furthermore, Ripley (1995) explains that national

attributes are not merely a characteristic of a country

as can be seen from other levels of analysis such as

domestic politics as well as national identity.

National attributes are physical characteristics that

can be viewed empirically and are used to run

government policies in general.

2 NATIONAL ATTRIBUTES IN

FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS

Hudson (2007) then mentioned several national

attributes that can be used as variables in using this

level of analysis, namely the size of the country,

geography, demography, political system, military

capabilities, and economic capabilities. Breuning

(2007) argues that there are several variables that

can be used as indicators of the size of a country.

The first variable is the geography factor that

measures the area of a country. The second variable

is the population, which is to see the size of a

country based on the number of population. Then,

there are economic variables that generally see

economic power as well as military forces that

measure the military capacity of a country. By size,

the state can be divided into two categories: large or

small. East (1973) later stated that both small

countries and large countries have a tendency of

their respective foreign policy patterns. However, it

provides a different perspective with other

academics. Generally, small countries are perceived

to be avoiding high-risk policies and choose to be

neutral due to limited state capabilities. However,

East (1973) states that even small countries will

adopt high-risk policies in order to achieve

maximum national interest. It can be seen from the

degree of intention that is communicated non-

verbally or verbally. Non-verbally, small countries

will tend to choose to adopt specific high-risk and

conflictual policies. Large countries will choose to

adopt low-risk, but wide-ranging policies. Verbally,

a small country has a tendency to not comment

remarkably on an issue, while a large country

chooses to use verbal aspects of its foreign policy.

This is due to the efforts to avoid excessive risks that

can disrupt the stability in and outside the country

that can be caused by the actions that conflict.

The next national attribute is geography. Simply

put, these national attributes relate to geographical

location and conditions in a country's territory

(Hudson, 2007). This is due to the limitations and

opportunities in the geographical conditions of a

country which then form the behavior pattern of the

country's policy. In addition, the existence of natural

resources that are in the geographical condition of a

country can also affect how the state acts. For

example, Russia has a cold climate that does not

allow for planting or harbor access throughout the

winter. Therefore, Russia has an intensive

relationship with Ukraine that provides ports and

serves as one of the Russian food suppliers (Bates,

2014).

Then, there is a demographic national attribute

explaining the population aspect of a country

(Hudson, 2007). This national attribute looks at how

population populations, mortality and birth rates,

gender distribution, genetic diseases, and

immigration can influence a country's foreign policy.

For example, the United States, which implements

foreign policy on migration from immigrants to their

countries. Then, there is a national attribute related

to the political system. There is a tendency that

countries with similar or similar political systems

will have better relations (Hudson, 2007). For

example, democratic peace is based on the equality

of democratic systems in each country (Doyle,

1983).

The next two national attributes are military and

economic capabilities. Countries that have a military

advantage will tend to be aggressive and feel

superior to other countries (Hudson, 2007). For

example, the magnitude of military power can be

one reason for Russia to ignore international

decisions related to annexation in the Crimea.

Economic capability is also one of the important

attributes given the global transition from politics to

post-Cold War economics. Countries that have debt

or economic dependence on other countries will tend

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

596

to follow the policies of a more economically

superior country.

3 NATIONAL ATTRIBUTES:

COUNTRY SIZE

Based on the opinion of East (1973), countries in the

world can be categorized into two by size, namely

large countries and small countries. If using country

size indicators based on Breuning perspective

(2007), Poland can be said to be a big country. This

refers to four variables that act as an indicator of the

size of the country, namely area, population,

economic power and military strength.

Geographically, Poland has an area of 312,685 km2

(Cia.gov, t.t.). Poland itself is the sixth largest

country in the EU by contributing 7.1% of the total

area of the EU. According to data from

Demografia.stat.gov.pl (2016), the total Polish

population reaches 38,426,809 lives as of June of

2016. In the EU, Poland itself is the sixth largest

country by contributing 7.7 % of the total population

for the EU. In addition, Poland is the country with

the 10th highest population density in the European

Union with a rate of 123 residents per km2.

Economically, the IMF (t.t.) notes that Poland has a

gross domestic product of 749,033 billion US

Dollars. Poland itself ranks eighth in comparison

with other EU countries. In its contribution to the

EU, Poland is the 11th largest contributor with a

total donation of 2 billion Euros. Militarily, Poland

is the country with the fifth largest military power in

the EU with Power Index of 0.3909 (Global Fire

Power, 2016). From the data of the above variables,

Poland can not be categorized as a small country and

more suitable to be referred to as one of the

countries in the category of large countries

according to Breuning indicator (2007) in the

context of the European Union.

From the above categorization, Poland has a

pattern of policy patterns as well as other major state

policy patterns. If they look in the perspective of

East (1973) on the pattern of foreign policy of a

large country, Poland uses an explicit verbal aspect

of its foreign policy. This can be seen from the

remarks submitted by Polish representatives related

to the Eastern Partnership issue. For example,

Konrad Szymański's remarks as Poland's Minister of

European Affairs on January 3, 2017:

"The European Union has several times unnecessarily

hesitated whether to open itself to cooperation with the

East .... If such countries as Ukraine and Georgia have,

over the years, shown willingness to cooperate, then the

European Union should not wait. "(Polskie Radio dla

Zagranicy, 2017)"

Verbally, remarks from Szymański indicate a

demanding tendency for the EU to act immediately.

In addition, the quote indicates a protest over

Poland's disappointment with policies taken by the

European Union. Based on the verbal categorization

scheme of verbal foreign policy by East (1973), both

of these points indicate an explicit degree of

commitment explicitly. It is one of the

characteristics of the great foreign policy pattern of

the country which states that the big country will use

verbal aspects explicitly and show a high degree of

commitment to convey its foreign policy.

Non-verbally, Poland places more emphasis on

non-specific and non-confidential foreign policy

patterns. The Eastern Partnership's filing itself is

basically also an example of a Polish policy pattern

which tends to be cooperative and non-conflictual.

This can be seen from approaches that are more

cooperative than conflictual. For example, the visit

of the Polish President, Bronislaw Komorowski, to

Latvia can be categorized as non-conflictual foreign

policy (Polskie Radio dla Zagranicy, 2012). The

visit aims to establish good relations with Latvia

with a discussion on Eastern Partnership in the

future. Against the Eastern Partnership, Poland also

prefers non-conflictual measures by engaging in

intensive foreign relations as seen from the

formation of the Polish-Belarussian Parliament

(Belta, 2016).

According to Rahimov (2010), Poland has a goal

to help the countries of Eastern Europe. The effort

has been made many times by Poland in the Eastern

Dimension of the European Union and also the

European Neighborhood Policy. In addition, Poland

also hopes that the EU itself can develop its

influence to other regions. Both of these points out

Polish foreign policy that has a wide scope and

impacts not only on the country but also on other

countries. This is in accordance with one of the

foreign policy styles of other major countries that

have foreign policy that has a wide scope and

impacts for many countries. Therefore, the Eastern

Partnership's filing by Poland is a foreign policy that

represents Poland as a major country.

4 NATIONAL ATTRIBUTES:

GEOGRAPHY

Then, there is a geographical national attribute that

influences Polanda's foreign policy to establish

Eastern Partnership. Geographically, Poland is

National Attributes in Foreign Policy: Poland Eastern Partnership

597

directly adjacent to Ukraine in the Southeast and

also Belarus in the East. In addition, Moldova is also

located not far from Poland although it is not

immediately adjacent considering Moldova borders

with Ukraine. Poland is also one of several EU

countries that is not entirely adjacent to other EU

countries. Therefore, Poland can be said to be a

buffer country between the EU and other countries.

According to Adamczyk (2010), Poland itself has

been considered a representative of Eastern

European countries for the European Union and vice

versa. Given the geographical closeness, Poland also

has intense interaction with Eastern Partnership

countries economically, politically, and socially. The

establishment of Eastern Partnership can certainly

enhance cooperation with the countries involved

with Poland which in the future can also benefit

Poland.

According to Adamczyk (2010), the filing of the

formation of Eastern Partnership Poland itself is a

manifestation of changes in Polish geopolitical

patterns. In Europe itself, there are generally two

major political forces between the European Union

and the Soviet Union or Russia. Both have a sphere

of influence based on geographic proximity which

generally western European countries share a similar

view to the EU while Eastern European countries

choose to approach the Soviet Union or Russia.

Previously, Poland had a tendency to follow

geopolitical currents along with the Soviet Union or

Russia and other Eastern European countries. The

changes can be seen since the intention of Poland to

enter the European Union before 2004 until finally

joining the regional organization. The Eastern

Partnership's filing by Poland which invites

countries that traditionally belong to the sphere of

influence of the Soviet Union or Russia can be said

to change the geopolitical pattern of Poland itself.

This suggests a change in Polish perceptions of the

identification of his country as an Eastern European

country affiliated with the Soviet Union or Russia

into an EU country (Adamczyk, 2010).

According to Shapovalova and Kapusniak

(2011), one of the causes of Poland proposing the

establishment of the Eastern Partnership is the Polish

tendency not to continue to be a frontier country for

the EU in Eastern Europe. The cooperation of

Eastern Partnership can be a stepping stone for the

countries involved to join the EU. Thus, it can be

seen that Poland seeks to shift the status of frontier

countries to Eastern Partnership countries that are

not currently incorporated in the European Union.

This is related to the high interaction of Poland to

neighboring countries such as Ukraine, Belarus, and

Moldova, but has a different framework. If these

countries have the same framework as Poland, then

it can facilitate policy making on its neighbors. From

the above explanation, it can be seen that the

national attribute of geography can lead to Polish

decision to propose the formation of Eastern

Partnership.

5 NATIONAL ATTRIBUTES:

DEMOGRAPHY

Furthermore in the national demographic attributes,

the authors see there is one important aspect to note

that is related to the number of foreign workers in

Poland. So far, Poland is a country known as a

labor-sending country rather than a recipient

country. Moreover, Poland's accession to the

European Union in 2004 further made Polish labor

easier for entry into other EU countries (Duszczyk,

2013). This is due to visa freedom as well as work

permits for Polish citizens to work in European

countries. Of course, this makes it easier to access

and speed up the Polish emigration process.

Compared with the number of immigrants in

Poland, the flow of emigration from Poland is

greater. However, slowly the number of immigrants

in Poland is getting bigger (Duszczyk, 2013).

Initially, the number of foreign workers in Poland is

relatively small and does not provide more

significance in Polish life. However, since Polish

citizens tend to emigrate to other EU countries, the

number of Polish workers is increasingly reduced.

Therefore, the existence of immigrants to Poland

aims to cover the shortage of the number of workers

in Poland who have been abandoned by Polish

citizens themselves.

Of the total countries that send immigrants to

Poland, the countries involved in Eastern Partnership

are among the largest contributors. In his writings,

Duszczyk (2013) sees the influence of immigration

flows from countries such as Ukraine, Belarus and

Moldova that have geographic proximity to Poland

against the proposed Eastern Partnership formation

by Poland. It can be seen from the table above that

every year there is an increase in the number of

workers from Eastern Partnership countries to

Poland. The problem arises when Poland has not had

a concrete container to deal with the problems in the

immigration sector. This is because Poland in the

EU must follow the regulations of the EU on

employment issues. Yet on the one hand, Poland

also needs foreign workers from other countries,

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

598

especially countries in Eastern Partnership, to

continue to run the wheels of the economy.

According to data from Duszczyk (2013), the

majority of foreign workers from Eastern

Partnership countries are rough laborers who do not

require high education qualifications. In addition,

foreign workers from the Eastern Partnership

countries also fill out unregistered "shadow" sectors.

This is due to the lack of genuine Polish workers

who fill these sectors because on average they

emigrate to other EU countries. Thus, the Polish

economy has little dependence on foreign labor from

Eastern Partnership countries, primarily Ukraine,

Belarus, and Moldova.

The fact of dependence on foreign workers is a

problem when there are regulations on employment

and also the migration of the population from the EU

to its neighbors. In the policies of the EU so far,

there is no policy to discuss about it. Therefore,

Poland proposes the establishment of Eastern

Partnership to the EU to facilitate such matters

(Duszczyk, 2013). This is because Eastern

Partnership supports the exemption of visas and

employment permits for member countries. Thus,

the flow of employment can run smoothly without

any obstacles. In addition, Eastern Partnership can

also serve as a platform for Poland to manage

immigration issues more clearly and favorably for

Poland (Duszczyk, 2013). From the above

explanation, it can be seen that demographic

national attributes related to immigration can affect

Polish foreign policy related to the establishment of

Eastern Partnership.

6 NATIONAL ATTRIBUTES:

POLITICAL SYSTEM

According to Fedyszak-Radziejowska (2010),

Poland has been in transition from communism to

democratic form. This new form of Poland is

referred to as the Third Polish Republic phase, a

phase in which the values of communism have been

lost in Poland. This is due to the collapse of the

Soviet Union and the idea of communism itself. This

change of political system also led to Poland's

successful entry into the North Atlantic Treaty

Organization in 1999 and the European Union in

2004 requiring member states to use the notion of

democracy.

The use of a system of democratic government

by Poland is one of the reasons why Poland proposes

the Eastern Partnership to the European Union. If it

refers to Pisarska (t.t.) opinion, one of the Polish

goals in the Eastern Partnership's filing is to support

democracy as well as reforms in the countries

involved. This goal can be explained by using a

democratic peace theory which states that a country

with a democratic political system will have a

tendency to not conflict with other democratic

countries (Doyle, 1983). It can be seen that the

action proposed for Poland aims to avoid conflicts

with its neighbors in order to create regional stability

in Eastern Europe.

Of the countries involved in Eastern Partnership,

there are two countries that have geographical

proximity to Poland which lacks political stability

and has not used the optimal democratic system of

Ukraine and Belarus (Shapovalova & Kapusniak,

2011). If it refers to democratic peace theory, then

both countries need to use the political system of

democracy to allow conflict opportunities in the

region around Poland to be spared. Within the

Eastern Partnership itself there are programs that

support democratic reforms in the countries

involved. Therefore, Eastern Partnership can be used

as a means for Poland to create regional stability. It

shows the role of the national attribute of the Polish

political system towards its policy-making in

relation to Eastern Partnership.

7 CONCLUSION

Eastern Partnership is a form of EU cooperation

with its neighbors, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova,

Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The policy aims

to integrate the EU with its member countries

politically, economically, and socially. Politically,

Eastern Partnership supports democratic reform.

Economically and socially, Eastern Partnership

supports economic reform through the Deep and

Comprehensive Free Trade Area as well as the

exemption of visas and special employment permits

to the countries involved. Eastern Partnership can be

said to be one of the EU's efforts to cooperate with

the eastern region as in the previous European

Neighborhood Policy. During this time, the EU is

working with the United States in the west as well as

the Mediterranean countries in the south.

Using the theoretical framework of level of

analysis of national attributes, the authors conclude

that national attributes influence Polish

policymaking to shape Eastern Partnership. In this

paper, the author takes several variables of national

attributes such as country size, geographic,

demographic, and also political system. As a major

National Attributes in Foreign Policy: Poland Eastern Partnership

599

country in the EU, Polish policymaking has a wide

scope as it manifests in the Eastern Partnership

which is influential not only for its country but also

the surrounding countries as well as the European

Union itself. Verbally and non-verbally, Polish

foreign policy is also in line with the concept of a

large country alternative by East (1973) that is

explicit but with a non-conflictual and low-risk

foreign policy. Poland geographically adjacent to

Ukraine, Moldova, and also Belarus has a close

relationship with the Eastern Partnership countries.

In addition, there is an effort for Poland not to

change the geopolitical pattern in Eastern Europe so

that the Eastern Partnership countries are in the

sphere of influence of the European Union. Poland

also does not want to be a frontier country for the

EU in Eastern Europe, so in the future Eastern

Partnership countries can join the EU and become a

new frontier country to replace Poland.

Demographically, especially employment, Poland's

high dependence on immigrants from Eastern

Partnership countries led to the need for a

framework capable of accommodating the labor

flows of these countries embodied in policies

supported by Eastern Partnership. In the political

system, Eastern Partnership seeks to spread

democracy in the countries involved. This relates to

Poland's democratic political system and seeks to

reform the Eastern Partnership countries, primarily

Ukraine and Belarus, to use the same political

system. This is in accordance with the democratic

peace theory that states that democratic countries

tend not to conflict between each other and cause

stability of the region around Poland.

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