Analyzing the Political Economy of Indonesia’s Global Hijab-Fashion

Goal 2020: A Neo-Gramscian Perspective

Witri Elvianti

International Relations Department, President University

Keywords : hijab, fashion, Indonesia, neo-Gramsci, hegemony, neo-liberalism, capitalization

Abstract: The Government of Indonesia (GoI) is in ways of aiming itself to become the next Mecca of global hijab

fashion Mecca by 2020. To promote and socialize hijab fashion trend, on 21 September 2016, the Ministry

of Trade of Indonesia’s government under President Joko Widodo’s administration officially opened an

event called ‘Hijab, Fashion, & Accessories Mall to Mall 2016’. This study came to questioning whether or

not it succeeds the influence of Indonesian political Islam in challenging the hegemony of state and neo-

liberal capitalism. Recent literatures put little emphasis on the state and global level of analysis as to

elucidate this hijab trend in Indonesia. With reference to neo-Gramscian methodology and theorization on

hegemony, the analyst seeks to fill this gap by historicizing the political economy of Indonesia’s global

hijab fashion goal 2020. Employing qualitative study and using library research to earning secondary

resources, the analyst found that the Indonesia’s global hijab fashion goal 2020 shows the hegemonic power

of the state and neo-liberal capitalism. Instead of absorbing political Islam agenda in challenging the

hegemony of neo-liberal economy and its body of politics, Muslim society rather shows adaptability toward

the values brought by neo-liberal capitalism in greater details. Therefore, the analyst comes to conclude that

capitalization of hijab remains massive in contemporary Indonesia.

1 INTRODUCTION

In many parts of the world, Muslim women

experienced responses from the state in various

forms pertaining to the rights in wearing hijab in

public spaces. Furthermore, Eickelmen and Piscatori

state that

“…From Malaysia to Morocco, the choice of dress

for Muslim women, both married and unmarried, is

a complex political statement… In some societies it

is a matter of personal choice; in others it is virtually

prescribed by government, social convention, or

peer pressure” (1996, 90).

It justifies that although clothes literally become

one of human’s primary needs that cover and protect

human’s body, it does indeed represent much

meaning ranging from cultural identity and loyalty

to the economic interest (Stillman, 2000; Hussein,

2007). On one hand, clothes become a means to

communicate our personality and presence in society

(Agustina 2015, 2). The cultural values attached to

the fashion can be varied as wide as “…gender, age,

social position, ethnic background… and ideology”

(Tantowi, 2010: 63).

Therefore, one should note that the discussion of

dress code is of key importance and should not be

underestimated since it seems to be one critical

aspect in society including Muslim society. In the

realm of Islamic dress code, the application of hijab

by Muslim women, most of the time, has been

challenged by the state’s hegemony. On the other

hand, in the context of globalization, due to rapid

development of information and technology the

modification of fashion finds its own market and

turns to strategic economic commodity. When meets

with global market, fashion becomes one of

promising sector accumulating both economic and

social capital. Subsequently it potentially helps the

increase of public consumerism, which of course

gives much benefit to the state and private sector.

This phenomenon is apparently shown in the

flourish of hijab as part of Islamic dress code and

currently a new fashion style of Muslim women

particularly in Indonesia.

To promote and socialize Indonesia’s Muslim

fashion trend nationwide, on 21 September 2016, the

Ministry of Trade of Indonesia’s government under

President Joko Widodo’s administration officially

Elvianti, W.

Analyzing the Political Economy of Indonesia’s Global Hijab-Fashion Goal 2020: A Neo-Gramscian Perspective.

DOI: 10.5220/0010275600002309

In Proceedings of Airlangga Conference on International Relations (ACIR 2018) - Politics, Economy, and Security in Changing Indo-Paciﬁc Region, pages 239-249

ISBN: 978-989-758-493-0

Copyright

c

239

opened an event called ‘Hijab, Fashion, &

Accessories Mall to Mall 2016’, which lasted for

four days giving fashion entrepreneurs opportunities

to displaying their products on hijab fashion and its

accessories. As the Ministry’s spokesperson said that

“…we have to show that Indonesian fashion

products … are highly competitive with a high sales

value…”(Kemendag.go.id 2016). Blessed with

cultural heritages that inspire unique design of hijab

and Muslim clothing, the GoI optimistically attempts

to globalize its Muslim fashion products or even

probably establish a new Muslim fashion empire at

last. Therefore, despite the fact that global Muslim

fashion market is competitive; the Government of

Indonesia (GoI) is in ways of aiming itself to

become the next Mecca of global Muslim fashion

trend by 2020.

Given this fact, it seems to be relevant noting

that there is a shifting meaning of hijab as part of

Islamic identity. The analyst highlights that the

government’s initiative to establish the Indonesia’s

2020 Global Hijab Fashion Empire indicates hijab

(re)production is offering strategic business

opportunity. Assuming this perception is valid, it

becomes important noting that such an ambition

remains strongly contradicted to the previous

regimes’ orientation on hijab. In the context of hijab

practices in Indonesia, the recent decision on

building Indonesia as a world hijab-fashion empire

justifies clear distinction to the previous regimes

particularly Suharto’s New Order that massively

controlled the discourse and practice of hijab.

Although the current trend of hijab practices in

Indonesia signs such a tolerance to the application of

Islamic identity, it is also widely rejected. To some

opinions, the presence of hijab in Indonesian public

could be seen as a symbolic manifesto of Indonesian

political Islam agenda in challenging western

modernity that, unfortunately, nourishes the

hegemonic power of western capitalism. The

modernized fashion was inherent with western

consumerism, which contradicts to the view saying

that hijab as expression of modesty (Nef-Saluz

2007).

A growing body of research shows its interests

on the reproduction of hijab practices in Indonesia.

A report by Claudia Nef-Saluz in 2007 described the

increasing trend of hijab as a form of Islamic

popular culture in Indonesia. The research found the

“…process of hybridization between the local and

the global… focusing on the triangular relation

between global Islamic influences, Western

influences and local traditions…” (Nef-Saluz 2007).

However, the analysis draws discussion on

sociopolitical dynamics of hijab as a popular culture,

which is lacking the explanation on what power

allows such hybridization. Therefore, this paper is

expected to fill in this gap.

Thus, given the fact that Indonesia’s government

thirsts to establish a world hijab-fashion empire, it

becomes important to ask whether or not it succeeds

the influence of Indonesian political Islam in

challenging state’s hegemony and liberal political

economy. This paper provides the analysis with

regards to this question by historicizing the

materialist power of hijab practices, which

eventually unveils the consolidation between

western capitalism and middle class of Muslim

society to nourish Indonesia’s creative economy. In

doing so, the analyst employs (neo)-Gramscian

perspectives as it offers historical materialism as one

alternative to understand the shifting of “…global

structure of power in the global political

economy…” (Morton 2007: 112).

To provide comprehensive analysis, the analyst

will first substantiate how it defines hegemony and

how this term is being contested in theory and

remains evident in reality particularly in the building

of Indonesia’s political economy. In next section, the

analyst will figure out the dynamic of hijab practices

and (re)production in Indonesia by highlighting that

state remains hegemonic and thus determines the

direction of hijab practice in Indonesia. In this

context, the analyst found that the practice of hijab

in Indonesia has been through four types of state’s

dominance; alienation; compromise and

capitalization. Last but not least, to answer the main

question, this paper will explain whether or not the

establishment of Indonesia’s global hijab fashion

goal 2020 illuminates political Islam’s challenges

toward state’s hegemony and neo liberal political

economy.

2 HEGEMONY

Generally speaking, hegemony is conceived as a

symbolic gesture of a hegemon continuously

practicing particular degree of power or influence

among other states to avoid power deficits. A clear

evidence of state’s hegemony is the US global

leadership. Since the alliance between Western

European countries, Japan and the U.S was

strengthened during World War II, it gave rise to the

US hegemony as a global superpower. The U.S

mission was the internationalization of its liberal

ideology. The manifestation of US hegemony was

also evident during Cold War and afterwards. When

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Cold War took place, the US hegemony was aiming

at the spread of capitalism within the capitalist world

order (Cox 1993).

In the realm of International Relations theories,

the term of hegemony receives attention from some

conventional school of thoughts. Neo-liberalism in

international relations, for instance, instead of

making hegemony as its subject of analysis it rather

highlights the operational procedures as well as

terms and conditions to establish state of hegemony

(Konrad 2012). With reference to the U.S hegemony

in post Cold War, Robert Keohane states that

hegemony resembles economic dominance due to

the prevalence of materialist resources. It sheds

lights on the practice of leadership and dominance

by the state to perpetuate the hegemonic

establishment through governmental administration

(Keohane, 1989; Mowle and Sacko, 2007).

According to Keohane, state is exercising

hegemonic status when it comes showing its

leadership capacity in controlling natural resources

and raw materials, source of production, capital

accumulation, global market and competitive

advantage in processing and (re)producing highly

valued goods. Beside economic capacity, the

hegemony will also be present as long as the state

also advances its military performance. Both

military capacity and distinguished political

leadership will nourish and protect hegemonic state

in international political economy arena (Keohane

1984). More importantly, hegemonic power remains

pertinent to sustain economic cooperation in the

anarchic international system. To accomplish its

mission in protecting the sustainability of

international cooperation, the hegemon must possess

the ability in producing most valuable and economic

goods and creating competitive advantage.

However, it becomes critical to ask how such a

materialist operational procedure standard on the

creation of hegemony flourishes and whether or not

state’s materialist capability is alone helping the

state to sustain its hegemonic leadership in global

political economy. As the neo-liberalism sheds more

lights on materialist resources, it ignores the

significance of ideas in analyzing hegemony. Instead

of providing more holistic understanding of

hegemony, it rather downgrades it into a matter of

material resources preponderance only (Keohane

1984).

Hence, according to neo-Gramscianism,

hegemony is a strategic achievement that requires

complex alliances between social classes to establish

such a ‘unitary political bloc’ under the political and

leadership of a ruling social class. This ruling class

then applies the combination of coercion and

consent. As to maintain the domination, the presence

of organic intellectuals determines this process. The

intellectuals should be able to maintain “…their

position and function in the world of production” in

order to eventually assist itself in enforcing

“…general direction to the populous masses”

(Gramsci 1971, 12). Therefore, based on this

perspective, hegemony is not nourished and

prolonged through coercion and repression (Gramsci

1975); it rather needs “active consent and

participation of the ruled” to sustain the so-called

neo-liberal hegemonic constellation (Plehwe et al

2006, 3). The combination of active consent and

proactive participation contribute to the formulation

of ‘popular beliefs’ and similar ideas thereby

producing materi (Keohane 1984) (R. O. Keohane

1989) (Sacko 2007) (Konrad 2012)al forces

(Gramsci 1971, 165). More importantly, when the

dominant ruling class has established national

hegemony it starts such an outward expansion. For

instance, as the U.S. dominant ruling class has

successfully created national hegemony that

resembled neo-liberal ideology it then managed to

expand its hegemony outwards. Therefore, neo-

Gramscian analyzes that global hegemony starts

from national hegemony.

Beside, with reference to (neo) Gramscian

perspective, the analyst argues that hegemony is not

solely formulated on materialist basis but also the

power of ideas, norms and institutions that support

the hegemonic power to set up particular global

standard of behavior. It was obvious at the time the

US combined its political, military, economic and

cultural power the US gained legitimacy as a global

leader (Hunt 2007). Then the US maintained its

greater influences by forming an international

economic framework, the so-called Bretton Woods

System. This system was intended to help coordinate

global economic growth and implement ‘capitalist

style open economic system’ worldwide. By doing

so, the US is able to transfer its culture and ideas to

the recipients’ countries of the US alliances. Given

this fact, it is worth arguing that both materialist

power and ideas shape the power of hegemony (Iseri

2007; D’Attoma 2011).

Cox reformulates Gramsci’s analysis on

hegemony by arguing that hegemony is created and

sustained through the formulation of universal

norms, institutions, and mechanism. There are three

conditions that shape hegemony: social condition

that covers ideas and norms; political condition that

includes the institutions; and economic condition

that requires solid material power. Those pillars are

Analyzing the Political Economy of Indonesia’s Global Hijab-Fashion Goal 2020: A Neo-Gramscian Perspective

241

not exclusive one to another but rather constituting

each other. The material power does not arguably

support the accumulation of wealth and profit only

through production but also maintain the influence

of ideological and cultural leadership of the

hegemonic power. The experience of American

popular culture remains an obvious example of the

complex relations between culture and material

power (Cox 1995: 45). Those pillars are coherently

represented in a structure as shown in Figure 1

.

Figure 1 Cox's structure of three types of pillars (from Cox, 1996: 98)

As neo-Gramscian perspectives illuminates that

global hegemony starts from within national

hegemony, it becomes relevant discussing how such

a global hegemony endogenously undermines ideas

or norms, material resources and institutions within

a national hegemony. In this context, global

capitalist hegemony amplifies the implementation of

neo liberal principles. Pertaining to the provision of

economic and military protection authorized in

developing countries such as Indonesia by the US,

that is considered to be a global hegemony, it is

worth noting that Indonesia’s government might

resemble the interests of global capitalist power.

3 HEGEMONIC POWER OF NEO

LIBERAL ECONOMY

As the hegemonic power allows the sustainability of

neo liberalism in economy, it becomes important to

discuss how this study views this economic

principle. This study defines liberalism in economy

as “…a resurrection of the ideology and practice of

free market economies and private enterprises”

(Apeldoorn 2001,1). In theory, this free market

policy orientation led to massive practice of

privatization and deregulation by allowing private

actors to determine the market and public sector,

which then labeled as economic neo-liberalism. This

principle has helped western capitalism dominated

world economy along with the rise of US-led

globalization and the European’s economic

integration in late 1980s.

Specifically, according to the literatures of

Historical International Political Economy, the

hegemonic power of capitalism in world finance and

economy had been present in the organization of

credit practices. The (neo) liberal economy

established the concept of money and finance. On

one hand, money can be used as a means of

“…exchange…, payment, a unit of account, and a

store of value…” and on the other hand, the concept

of finance itself is built as to “…become the

automatic use of holdings of money as a store of

value in order to facilitate investment and further

exchange, equating saving and investment at a

market-clearing rate of interest and maintaining

macroeconomic equilibrium” (Guttmann 1994, 28

cited in Langley 2002, 27). Despite this, it is worth

also arguing that credit practices is sociologically a

product by social relations produced through the

productive and exchange relations and “…framed by

institutions, norms, and values” (Langley 2002, 27).

In this context, the hegemonic power of capitalism

determines state’s capacity accessing to credit

instruments. Creating the credit will mobilize the

capital that assists the production process and

therefore, the presence of credit is indeed pertinent

to the capital accumulation.

ideas

institutions

material

capabilities

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4 LIBERALIZATION AND

POLITICAL ISLAM IN

INDONESIA

In a way of historicizing the materialist power of

current practices and production of hijab fashion in

Indonesia, it becomes pertinent unveiling historical

narrative of the hegemony of western capitalism vis

a vis political Islam. Vedi R Hadiz defines political

Islam as “… a response to issues related to

inequalities of power and wealth…as conveyed

through the ideals, terminology, imagery and

symbolism of the Islamic religion (2011, 4). In this

context, the analyst takes into account political Islam

as a strategic and well-structured reaction

represented in the forms of images and symbols

toward the manifestation of western capitalism

inducing inequality of power and wealth in Muslim

community. Therefore the analyst argues political

Islam in largest extent has massively employed hijab

as to convey its political reactionary in practice and

ideology.

Political Islam in Indonesia is part of global

conflict between Islamic movements and the West.

Back to eighteenth century, the global force of

political Islam had attempted to portray itself “…as

plausible alternatives to Western power and culture”

(Cribb, 1999: 12). It was, however, terminated due

to the collapse of Ottoman Empire that marked the

loss of Muslim societies. Given this circumstance, a

global project of westernization in Muslim societies

came to realization. The western capitalism

hegemony, pioneered by European colonialism, was

about to impinge European civilization in many

parts of Muslim societies including in Indonesia in

order to pursuing European economic interests.

Under Dutch colonial administration, western

imperialism in Indonesia then started to introduce

“the supposed blessings of Western civilization…”

through “…technological prowess and cultural and

intellectual virtuosity of the West…” (Cribb, 1999:

11).

It is widely stated that political Islam massively

emerged among Muslim societies that suffered from

the colonization. When being independent, they

rather faced authoritarian and corrupt regimes. The

regimes, most of the time, started to modernizing

Muslims. The choices that they faced were two;

either Islamization or modernization. Given this

situation, the modernization remained possible to be

implemented in Muslim societies. It gave rise to the

initiation of applying neo-liberal economic policies

in the counties with Muslim as majority through the

lens of industrialization and modernization.

However, the collapse of European power in global

political economy in post World War I gave rise to

the establishment of Pax Americana preserving the

US mission on internationalization of liberalism and

capitalism. It then led to another form of dynamic

relationship between Islam and the West which

probably gives credit to Huntington’s thesis on clash

of civilization.

The practice of economic liberalism evidently

yielded various forms of contestation among the

nation states. In this context, Indonesia contributed

significantly to such contestation when Sukarno’s

administration took place. The rise of ‘Bandung

regime’, which “…anchored a wider effort to

ostensibly steer national development in Third

World between the capitalism of US and the

communism of Soviet Union…” (Berger 2006, 107)

was apparently showing off its values of anti-

imperialism and challenging the domination of

western capitalism in particular US capitalism. To

highlight their political challenges toward economic

liberalism, the states sought to apply socialism and

national liberation to accelerate their national

development project (Scott 1990). However, at the

time the economic crisis in late 1980s emerged, the

state-led development or even the socialist ones

could not help the countries economically survive. It

carried the revision of neo-liberal economy

promoted by World Bank and as a result it came to

offer the developmental package with “…uneven

transformation of nation-states into (neo) liberal

states” (Berger 2006, 112).

In the context of Indonesia’s liberalization, after

the fall of Sukarno’s regime following the contested

moment of PKI in 1960s, Indonesian society

experienced political turmoil and economic crisis.

The anti-capitalism-Old Order could not any longer

help the nation to survive and consequently the

regime’s interpretation on socialism found its end.

At the time the New Order began, the Suharto’s

administration could not reject the helpful hand of

liberal economists. Given this fact, the US capitalist

power provided a glance of hope for the

improvement politically and economically by

pervasively stimulating “…classical formulation of

aid and development policies through as such

international institutions as the World Bank and

International Monetary Fund…” (Eickelman and

Piscatori 1996, 23). Those institutions weighted

recommendation that pushed the state to go for

liberal economic policies such as deregulation,

foreign investment, and privatization. This package

then stimulated such a dramatic increase in economy

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243

based on manufacturing, factory construction sector

and maximized export on non-oil and gas products

(Borsuk 1999, 139-140). As a symbolic manifesto of

liberalization, two giant mining corporations –

Freeport from the United States and Canada’s Inco –

managed to establish its copper exploitation in

Papua and nickel exploration in Sulawesi

respectively (Borsuk 1999, 147). Afterwards,

capitalist projects in Indonesia came to realization.

5 THE EMERGING

FASHIONABLE HIJAB AND

STATE’S HEGEMONY

Fashion is indeed critical part of capitalist forces that

seeks to dominate sources of production. In the

realm of capitalists, fashion production and market

remains significant aspect in accumulating

materialist power. Regarding that fashion represents

symbolic gesture of collective identity and ideology,

the forces of political Islam massively utilize the

discourse of Muslim women’s dress code and thus

enforce the practice of hijab as its main manifesto.

At global level, political Islam contends the

modernity in fashion resembles one agenda called

westernization or liberalization. It is assumed to

prolong the hegemony of capitalists’ power through

the maintenance of liberal economy. Therefore, this

political Islam recalls the unity of ummah under the

application of Islamic jurisprudences as to empower

Muslim communities worldwide in challenging the

hegemony of western capitalism. In this context,

fashion and its accessories are associated with

conflicting relationship between western capitalism

and political Islam. Substantially, according to

Indonesian political Islam, the westernized women

dress-code promoted by global capitalist system led

Muslim women down to the path of secularization

and moral degradation.

As to secure the achievement of capitalist agenda

in Indonesia, Suharto decided to alienate political

Islam in sociopolitical spheres in Indonesia

specifically in the context of hijab practices. As a

consequence, hijab practices in Indonesia has been

undermined by state’s hegemonic power in three

forms; alienation, compromise, and capitalization.

5.1 Alienation (Mid 1960s – Late

1980s)

At the time Suharto was in power, state’s reaction

toward the discourse and practice of hijab was

apparently rejectionist. It considered the decision to

allow Muslim women covering their head and body

in public spaces was not seen as purely representing

the true identity of being Indonesian Muslim

women. It was due to the absence of historical

connection between the originality of hijab and the

Indonesia’s women dress code. In the early of

twentieth century, Muslim women in Indonesia were

not familiar to the practice of hijab. The tradition of

covering the head was more frequently present when

performing prayer (known as mukena) or attending

religious ceremony (Tantowi 2010, 67). Given this

information, this regime prohibited the use of hijab

in public particularly in governmental institutions

and public schools.

The code of dress for Muslim women was

significantly under state’s control. Prolonged

patriarchal tradition influenced national

sociopolitical landscape which consequently limited

Muslim women to occupy an idealist and pious

woman style. Beneath this regime, Muslim women

experienced incapacity “...in several aspects merely

by reasons of gender...” to express their “...ritual

purity...” or even restricted Muslim women “...may

or may not do or should do in their social life...”

(Hooker 2003: 130). It remained a dilemma for

Muslim women to perpetuate their submission in

sacred interpretations, making them deviant.

To confirm its rejectionist view toward hijab, on

17 March 1982, Suharto’s administration under

Ministry of Education and Culture (Kementerian

Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan) outlawed a decree

(Surat Keputusan) No. 052/C/Kep/D.82 that

regulated the school uniforms in the state-owned

schools – starting from kindergarten, elementary

school, junior and senior high school – and even

universities. Although this regulation did not clearly

emphasize the prohibition of hijab, it rather

obviously controlled the uniformity of schools wear

in order to secure the unity and integrity as a nation.

There were two options available for the students to

follow; either every student wearing or not wearing

hijab at all. It was a taboo if some students were

found wearing hijab. The state’s regulation

controlling students’ dress code apparently

mentioned that any piece of clothes covering the

head, hair and skin was not allowed. As a

consequence, this decree was used by the schools

and teachers to not give students opportunity of

wearing headscarf or hijab at schools (Mudjito,

1984).

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5.2 Compromise (Early 1990s)

As the state facing existential threats endogenously

from political Islam, hijab then became an

instrument for reconciliation. Facing state’s

repressive behavior on hijab, some elements of

Muslim societies came to question this regulation. In

some cases, students who veiled their head were

being forced to unveil since it opposed the

regulation. Very often too, as they opposed to

unveil, they received discrimination in class and

they were being interrogated by the headmaster.

Students with hijab turned to become social

deviance. The response from society toward this

practice was varied. Those whose strong financial

resources decided to continue the case to Supreme

Court (Mahkamah Agung) in order to find

justification and even justice since the school

interrogated students that psychologically obstructed

their convenience at school (Mudjito 1984). In

response to this, some elements of Muslim society

attempted to reconcile with government regarding

this discriminative policy. In the early 1990s, MUI

(Majelis Ulama Indonesia) held its national

assembly and agreed to force the government to

change this regulation.

At the time Suharto’s authoritarian regime

juxtaposed his oppressive approach toward

Indonesian political Islam, in mid 1990s, this regime

was consciously facing the threat of political

instability and financial crises which might

potentially led it to the absence of power. It gave rise

to the presence of ‘a crisis in hegemony’ – where

there was little or even no hegemonic power took

place – due to the ruling elite separated itself with

the ruled social groups (Hunt 2007). During

Suharto’s presidency, to avoid the “…Islamization

of political life…” the level of participation from

Muslim communities was downgraded (Liddle,

1999: 60). As a consequence, instead of building

consensus through active participation, Suharto

rather exploited coercion to eliminate the dissent

from political Islam. The image of Suharto’s regime

was portrayed as secular nationalist regime could not

help prevent this regime from its fall. Suharto was

blamed for the toxic created to widen the gap of

wealth and prolong poverty. It then stimulated the

larger scope of political Islam to challenge Suharto’s

dominance. In this vein, Suharto managed to employ

this momentum as to gain consent from political

Islam and reduce coercion toward Muslim society to

strengthen his hegemonic leadership. Hence, in 1991

the ruling elite found its compromise style toward

the practice of hijab by lowering its authoritarianism

as to allowing students wearing hijab at school by

outlawing a decree No.100/C/Kep/D/1991. Given

this fact, it is worth noting that the state’s hegemonic

power created hijab politically instrumental.

5.3 Capitalization (post reformasi)

By way in contrast, current hijab practices and

production somewhat depicts a state of

transformative development in Indonesia.

Significant transformation of hijab practice was

evident after the fall of Suharto’s regime and the rise

of reformasi movement in 1998. Since the birth of

reformasi era which dovetailed Suharto’s

authoritarian regime in 1998, the practice and the

discussion of freedom of expression has been

unfolded. It downgraded the New Order’s strict

regulation that limited the use of cultural and

religious symbols in public. As a consequence,

Muslim community has gained more confidence to

express their piety and therefore, in the last decade,

Muslim women wearing hijab in Indonesia have

been present almost in any corner of public spaces

along with the growing trend of hijab movements in

Indonesia (Global Business Guide Indonesia, 2016).

Hijab is no longer a taboo; it becomes a vital

source of fashion production instead. One can notice

this dramatic transformation in last five years

pertaining to the facts that hijab fashion shows are

mushrooming with numbers of models wearing

hijab increase. Events to promote new hijab styles

and other Muslim fashion products are often held in

big cities in Indonesia. Beside, the government does

indeed encourage many events to promote various

hijab and Muslim fashion products by local

designers in other countries. Hijab was previously

sacred and limited in styles and colors. It now turns

to festive celebration of sophisticated arts in fashion.

Hijab was not merely articulated based on sacred

interpretation but luxurious and deluxe fashion taste.

The sophistication of hijab is expressed into many

forms with greater details such as long tropical and

colorful skirts, tunics, dresses, sweater, hijab for

children and even hijab for sport. Given this fact, it

seems relevant noting the scary image of Islam as

antithesis of western modernity is slowly

disappeared as the hijab production nowadays

resemble western fashion trend with radiant color

choices and high quality fabrics.

Realizing the trend has been growing

significantly, the government of Indonesia under

Jokowi‘s administration eventually declared its

confidence to expand the scope of hijab production

from national to global market. It dovetails global

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245

market by forming Indonesia a world hijab-fashion

empire by 2020. The analyst argues that the

establishment of such an expansionist goal does not

resemble the succeeded intervention of political

Islam or Islamist agenda. It rather justifies

capitalization of hijab in Indonesia that contributes

to legitimating the growing nexus between neo-

liberal capitalism and consumerism in Muslim

society at global and national level. Instead of

preserving the image of hijab as a symbolic

identification of Islamist revolutionary imagination

to challenge the body of western capitalism in

Indonesia, it rather now turns to become a strategic

means of capital accumulation and source of

materialism.

This capitalization owes state’s legitimacy since

the state helps undermine the practice and discourse

of hijab in Indonesia. In this vein, state’s hegemonic

power has shifted its mode of interaction with the

practice and discourse of hijab. It then highlights the

shifting relations between hijab and capitalism.

Previously and specifically in the meantime of

Suharto’s era, hijab was alienated in practice and

production; currently it positions itself in the centre

of capitalism. Thus, according to Robert Cox, any

hegemonic power is built on three pillars of

hegemony which are ideas, institutions and material

resources.

On the basis of ideas, the hegemonic power

seeks to disseminate the essential of capitalism. In

the context of hijab fashion in Indonesia, hijab

becomes a new trend that increases consumerist

behavior in Muslim society. According to Jean

Baudrillard (1999), one of the characteristics of

consumerist society is the changing logic behind any

consumptive behavior. Baudrillard also notes that

fashion somehow seem to lose the sense of morality

since it reduces the meaning and increases consumer

capitalism (Baudrillard 1993: 93-4). The idea that

travels across many elements in secular society or

even Muslim society portray image of hijab an

oxymoron (Moors and Tarlo, 2013: 25). Hijab, as a

piece of religious fashion in Islam, in all its

manifestations probably brings a key role as to

maintain “religious boundaries and the reproduction

of tradition” (Arthur 1999). As the hijab itself turns

to the process of production, packaging, it shifts the

value it carries with. In the context of fashionable

hijab or hijab fashion, the piety or religious identity,

as a use value, is not by any means the main logic

behind hijab consumption but the trend or even

social class (Budiati, 2011: 66). Wearing hijab

amongst Muslim women in contemporary Indonesia

could deliver new identity. Most of the time, Hijab

is not only sold in traditional market; it rather

dovetails the high-end department store. In this vein,

hijab does not only address material value but also

social value to Muslim women; a new symbol of

modern Muslim women which confirms the capital

ownership. It endeavors a new trend in urban

Muslim society that eventually leads to the rise of

new social value and bourgeoisie class – Muslim

women with high consumer lifestyle.

On institutional basis, the government of

Indonesia has also attempted to enlarge the potential

market of hijab fashion through strengthening

government’s institutional support. The newly

elected President Joko Widodo has marked his

generous support toward the trend of hijab practice.

In early 2015, Indonesian National Police, for

example, allowed Muslim police women wearing

hijab while working in order to fulfill the demand

from those who seek to become a better Muslimah

even when they are at office. After decades, the

government finally renovated the institutional policy

regulating Muslim policewomen’s dress code.

More importantly, a several number of

communities were also established to support the

development of hijab-fashion industry in Indonesia.

However, since late 1990s and early 2000s, the

sophistication of Islamic clothing designs has even

started and subsequently an association of

Indonesian fashion designers named APPMI (the

Association of Indonesian Fashion Designing

Entrepreneurs) was built in 1993 aimed at

stimulating sophistication of Muslim clothing

manufactures. This body comprised intellectuals and

business networks to identify pertinent strategies to

develop design of Muslim fashion. Growing number

of young Muslim fashion designers at home is

critical to navigate government’s orientation to

become Muslim clothing center in international

level. As to secure domestic market of hijab, some

communities also flourished and implemented

number of community based program related to

hijab movements. The activities, displayed by

Hijabers Community and Hijabers Mom community

for example, reached attention from grass roots

(Agustina 2015). They executed some programs for

example religious preaching or any event related

with women empowerment (Amrullah 2008).

The transformation in those two pillars, ideas and

institutions, enhance the state’s dominance on

material resources. As Robert Cox emphasized that

domination on material resources is not only based

on the capability in wealth and material

accumulation but also cultural leadership. In this

context, the neo-liberal hegemony is in ways of

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

246

sustaining its cultural leadership by preserving the

lifestyle of ‘free trade will benefit everyone’ as a

common sense. Therefore, the neo-liberal economy

restructuration at global level is also influential in

accelerating Muslim hijab fashion market. Such a

global restructuration requires economy

restructuration at national level.

The global neo-liberal capitalism, through its

agencies in national government body,

coincidentally with the growing influence of global

political Islam, has attempted at making the political

Islam forces adapting and internalizing the values of

neo-liberal capitalism. It remains a strategic

challenge to the capacity of government’s cultural

leadership. As the government of Indonesia has

repositioned its national economy to become open

economy through liberalization of financial

institutions, domestic market, manufactures for

export, it then illuminated the presence of

consumerism and capitalization of religious

commodities.

The capitalization of hijab fashion in Indonesia

can be seen as a product of government’s capacity in

practicing its cultural leadership as to identify the

adaptation and internalization of neo-liberal

capitalism by Muslim communities. The government

of Indonesia has convincingly addressed the

importance of capitalizing hijab fashion industry

pertaining to some figure in Indonesia’s fashion

business received positive feedback at global level.

For instance, Dian Pelangi was one of Indonesia’s

fashion designer named amongst 500 most

influential persons in the fashion industry by

Business of Fashion, a magazine based in UK. As

hijab fashion continuously receives positive

response from domestic and global market, Itang

Yunaz – one of prominent male designers – decided

to move into the fabrication of Muslim fashion

(Global Business Guide Indonesia, 2016). Those two

business intellectuals help the state convinced

Muslim society in Indonesia concerning why

capitalization of hijab matters. The on-going

capitalization of hijab permeates Muslim

communities’ consciousness in adopting Western

values that spread commodity cultures and increase

consumption. Former thoughts on Islamic

economies suggested Muslim communities adhering

to “…Islamic virtues…” such as “…modesty, thrift,

spiritualism, and communitarianism…” and

preventing the materialism, individualism and

conspicuous consumption…” (Gokariksel and

McLarney 2010: 4). With reference to the rising

trend of hijab consumption and trend, it seems to be

relevant that such virtues are not well implemented.

At this stage, the state’s hegemony nested in neo-

liberal capitalist power is displaying its cultural

leadership to enforcing Muslim communities

adopting the value of neo-liberal capitalism.

By means of such cultural leadership, the state

manages to maintain its dominance over material

resources. According to data revealed by Indonesian

Ministry of Industry, approximately 80% of Muslim

clothing products are sold domestically and 20%

remaining sold for export. A report from BPS

(Central Body of Statistic) in 2013 also notified the

hijab fashion production has helped number of

companies in the fashion sector significantly

enlarged and reached 1,107,955 units, by which 10%

of them are large companies, 20% are medium and

70% are small enterprises. Around 30% of 750,000

small medium enterprises operated in the fashion

manufactures are producing Muslim clothing

(Global Business Guide Indonesia, 2016). On the

other hand, at global level, Muslim fashion market

sector is inviting attention and investment as global

Muslim consumers spending on fashion was worth

USD 230 billion in 2014. It means that Muslim

fashion market earned as much as 11% of global

fashion expenditure. Given this trend, several major

actors in world fashion industry – ranging from

Uniqlo to Mango, from DKNY to Tommy Hlfiger,

and from ZARA to H&M – have decided to invest in

this trend. However, a report rather indicated that

Indonesia was the fifth major Muslim clothing

fashion market in 2014. Knowing this competitive

market, the government of Indonesia is in ways of

optimizing its trading activity and productions

domestically and globally. Therefore, the

government decided to enlarge its vision making

Indonesia a global hijab fashion capital by 2020 as

its manifesto.

6 CONCLUSION

This study has investigated several critical points by

employing the case of Indonesia’s global goal

becoming the world hijab fashion capital by 2020 as

a point of departure. First, it has elucidated the

changing relationship between the hegemonic power

of state nested in neo-liberal capitalism and the

practice of hijab in Indonesia. The state’s dominance

has undermined the practice of hijab in three forms;

alienation, compromise, and capitalization.

Previously, hijab remained a state’s symbolic

gesture in opposing and alienating the political Islam

in Indonesia. As to secure the body of secular

nationalist regime in Indonesia, any religious symbol

Analyzing the Political Economy of Indonesia’s Global Hijab-Fashion Goal 2020: A Neo-Gramscian Perspective

247

particularly hijab was strongly prohibited. However,

as Suharto’s regime faced continuous pressure from

political Islam at grass root level which demanded

the state to abolish its restriction on hijab, the state

eventually to lesser extent downgraded its policy by

allowing the use of hijab at public schools with some

limitation. However, the fall of Suharto’s

authoritarian ruling elites led to the open democracy

which hugely allowed Muslim women practicing the

veiling in some public spheres.

The culmination of hijab practices in Indonesia

critically marked a state of transformation from

alienation to massive production of hijab. The case

of publicizing Indonesia becoming the next global

capital of hijab fashion market and industry

evidently showed the state’s transformative

behavior. It leads to the last form of state’s changing

relations with the hijab practice that is the

capitalization of hijab. The power of capital helps

increase hijab trend significantly. In this vein, the

analyst managed to question whether or not the

political Islam force was the reason of the rising

hijab trend.

To substantiate this question, with reference to

neo-Gramscian perspectives, this study has figured

out the political economy of Indonesia’s global hijab

fashion goal by arguing that such a grandiose end

does not necessarily justify the influence of political

Islam and its manifesto. The capitalization of hijab

rather signifies the reconciliation between neo-

liberal capitalism and Islamic economy. It is widely

known that one of political Islam goals is to recall

the saga of Islamic economy domination – during

the Ottoman Empire – to replace the hegemony of

neo liberal capitalism. As the hegemonic power of

neo-liberal capitalism requires the strong cultural

leadership of states at national level it does force

Muslim community – including the hijab

movements – to adopt and internalize the values of

free trade making Islamic lifestyle as potential

commodity to accumulating sources of wealth and

material with larger results. Such a hegemonic

power eventually creates superficial religiosity

which is formed and maintained on the basis of

social class. Given the fact that hijab sophistication

creates bourgeoisie class of Muslim women with

high consumer behavior and lifestyle, this

capitalization of hijab has led to the decrease of

virtues and the increase of capitalist class in Muslim

society. It then recalls Robert Cox’s concern on

hegemony and global political economy, that the

civil society’s ambition to challenge the body of

neo-liberal capitalism remains an uneasy task.

Neither does the political Islam and Islamic

economy discourse eventually challenge the body of

neo-liberal capitalism hegemony.

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