Social Function of Senandung Ratap Tangis in the Marriage Context

of Pakpak Custom

Torang Naiborhu

, Bebas Sembiring

Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Medan, Indonesia

Keywords: Pakpak Custom, Senandung Ratap Tangis, Social Function.

Abstract: This study aims to determine the social function of Senandung Ratap Tangis in the marriage context of PakPak

custom. In this research used descriptive qualitative research method. Tangis berrusijaheberrumolih is wail

laments presented in the context of marriage Pakpak tribe in Sumatera Utara. This song is only for women

(berru) only, who will marry or some time ago has been carrying out their marriage customs. Tangis is

presented after the process of merkata utang (the determination of the dowry and the determination of the

traditional wedding feast, merkejejapen) is completed by both parties. This wailing is also presented as an

expression of the love of a woman to parents and extended family.

1 INTRODUCTION

Marriage is the axis where the entire life of society is

based on the prevailing systems in which the marriage

takes place. Similarly,Pakpak ethnic in Sumatera

Utara has a system in the process of marriage, one of

which is the presentation of senandung tangis berru

sijahe berru molih. Tangis berru sijahe berru molih

is wailing cry(lamenta) expression of girl’s feeling

presented after the marriage custom ceremony

(merbayo, mulak ulbas). Based on the categorization

of tangis belonging to the category of tangis milangi

is the expression of feelings that are presented in a

tone (ibilang-bilangken, milangi) with a humming

style, parlando rubato(Panggung, 2017).

In practice, tangis berru sijahe berru molih

addressed to the parents of the girl, the closest

relatives to come to each of them, expressed the

complaints of the continuity of the household that will

be lived later. Through the lamenting will be exposed

to things that become his concern and thus he will get

advice, guidance, advices (peda), support, and other

custom conditions of the cried. Life experiences will

be shared with the girl as well as moral and material

support to guide her in married life, and in community

(Lynette, 1985).

2 METHOD

The data in this paper is obtained from two sources

namely primary sources, and secondary. Primary data

was obtained through depthinterview,participant

observation and followed by focus group discussion.

Equipment to obtain the data is a video camera,

camera, and audio recorder. Secondary data is

obtained through books, documents, notes, and so on.

Furthermore, this research uses qualitative

research

methods by selecting key informants, ie, customary

figures / community leaders, mothers, and

perpetrators, as well as members of the community

who own this culture. Theories used are art,

ethnomusicology, ethnosciences, languages, and

literature. The art theory (art of performance) (Milton,

1996) is used to examine aspects of the show that

include: limited time, beginning and end, organized,

presence of players, spectators, places, and

opportunities to perform. The ethnomusicology

theory of Alan P. Merriam is used to examine the

social function of this song, while ethnosciences,

languages, and literature are used to study these

singing values based on the concepts and

philosophies of their supportive society.

Naiborhu, T. and Sembiring, B.

Social Function of Senandung Ratap Tangis in the Marriage Context of Pakpak Custom.

DOI: 10.5220/0010077013991404

In Proceedings of the International Conference of Science, Technology, Engineering, Environmental and Ramiﬁcation Researches (ICOSTEERR 2018) - Research in Industry 4.0, pages

1399-1404

ISBN: 978-989-758-449-7

1399

3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

3.1 Social Intercourse Pakpak Youths

The association among Pakpak youths between a girl

(simerbaju) and youth (anak perana) is done merely

by maintaining ethics and good manners. It is

embarrassing when a woman gets pregnant out of

wedlock. Therefore, the association is very exclusive

and limited. For the village girls Pakpak first, the

normal sleeping habits at night is in groups at the

house of the old widow (simbalu). The election of this

place in addition to watch the girls' behavior, simbalu

also teach various skills that must be mastered by the

girls when they are married. Knowledge of life is

obtained from this elderly mother so that she has a

place of honor as berru mbellen, berru ntuah among

the people of the village.

On the other hand, young people (anak perana)

will spend the night with their peers by gathering in

the village hall (bale) discussing various things

aboutsocial life. For youth and village girls, when

visiting and communicating the right one is at night

in the village yard or in the simbalu house in a

rollicking. The visiting is called mertandang, is

informal and usually ends at an appropriate hour. The

decision of choice sometimes begins by testing each

intelligence through the puzzle (undang-undangen)

while conducting an investigation into the morals of

each. The young man will come to (menandangi) the

girl, and the girl will wait, sige menandangi ardan

(the stairs who must come toenau, the man who must

go to the girl). These philosophies and guidelines are

upheld if they do not want to endure shame.

However, even if the young man who makes the

choice, the girl will be very careful in setting his

choice. Philosophy, pengeririt pe daholi, pengeririt

deng ngo daberru. That is, even though the youth who

chose the prospective wife, but essentially the girl is

more selective in accepting or refusing the proposal.

This provision leads to social interaction or the

process of wandering (mengeririt, mengindangi) not

infrequently takes a long time, months and even often

void because there is no match.

3.2 Mersiberen Tanda Kata

After mutual understanding and compatibility has

been obtained then determined the time to get

engaged (mersiberen tanda kata). Customary leaders

(pengituai) and spokespersons (persinabul) both

parties will ask whether they have loved each other

and can accept their respective deficiencies. If the

answer is "yes!" Apply the traditional philosophy of

pedoro ndapdap, pedoro tada-tada, meaning

"promise not only mouth, but comes from the heart

and whole soul." As proof is given borgoh (gold

chain) or lepa-lepa (gold chain more small) as well as

other eye marks, such as oles metem (blanket),

papurun (betel leaves), or other items according to the

request and agreement of both.

Furthermore, by the pengituai, and persinabul tied to

the same (agreement) that sounds tinunjangna

milikna, meaning 'if a later youth deny the promise

then all previous giving is considered charred. If the

girl who denied, apply the legal sanction "siganda

sigandua uratni pedem-pedem, sisada gabe dua,

sitellu gabe enem" (fine doubled over objects already

received). Subsequently made a statement between

the two prospective bride "kongpe uratni buluh,

kongen deng ngo urat telladan; kongpe katani hukum,

kongendeng ngo kata nipadan (although the law

stands firm but promise and pledge much more

firmly).

3.3 Merkata Utang

A few days later the youth's parents will send the

pengituai, persinabul, telangke mange molih

(connector), along with berru meet the girl's parents

to mengelcing utang (negotiate the amount of dowry)

as well as negotiate the time to merkata utang (set as

well as deliberate marriage purposes), called pekiroh

bayo, waiting for the arrival of family).

The next step is to negotiate and set the marriage

fee (merkata utang). This stage is carried out after the

perberu (the girl's extended family) entertains lako

kituturnya (big family of the youth, the roles) to eat

together (nakan sada mbari) called nakan pudun

(eating together as a sign of binding, and the final

sign) as the first condition before pengranaan

merherret (formal talks of indigenous value) begins.

The philosophy, perjolo deng ngo rebakken

merherreti (eating together is the earliest evidence of

deliberation and diplomacy agreed).

At this stage of the conversation a definite

agreement was established between the two young

men, and from then on both of them were iserohken

(engaged) as appropriate. Similarly, the rights and

obligations of each element between the two groups

have alsoset, and the payout is properly paid (usually

two thirds of the agreed amount).

Chronologically, at the end of this ceremony is

determined pudun (bond) which is called mengkias

tempok a number of days agreed together with

reference to the mangmang guru (smart man

predictions) through ritual meniti ari (determine the

good day full of blessing and sustenance). With the

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promulgation of the day of marriage, in the days that

followed the youth will ask blessing to puhunna.

From that moment on, the girl called simerbaju

changed her position to the berru sijahe berru molih

and in the days that followed will carry out the tangis

berru sijahe berru molih to the nearest parents and

relatives.

3.4 Social Function of Tangis Berru

Sijahe Berru Molih

Speaking of function, Alan P. Merriam argues that

music has at least ten functions, namely the function

of emotional disclosure, aesthetic appreciation

function, entertainment function, communication

function, function symbol, physical reaction function,

functions related to social norms, social institutions

and religious ceremonies, the function of cultural

continuity, and the function of integrating (unifying)

society (Alan, 1964). Analyzing tangis berru sijahe

berru molih, the author finds the social function as

follows:

3.4.1 The Function of Emotional Expression

Music has a great power to express the feelings or

emotions of its presenters, which can stimulate the

audience's emotional, including sadness, longing, joy,

and so on. Tangis berru sijahe berru molih are shown

in front of parents and close relatives. So everything

likes and sorrows is a natural thing to feel and solve

together.



Figure 1. Tangis berru sijahe berru molih

(“Apparently you do not love and have saturated the

care of your daughter, my mother, hik, hik ")

Thus one of the tangis texts as an emotional

expression of the princess to the mother who gave

birth and raised her, let go and release her for another

family-the husband's family-whose feelings are

unfortunately not necessarily the same as their home

family. Of course this is not true, but as a sense of

anxiety and concern the princess appears, in case his

new family can not give the happiness that had been

obtained from the family of origin, thus making it

abandoned, then died in despair,



Figure 2. Tangis berru sijahe berru molih

(hik, hik, will this your daughter lunted, like a flower

of weeds oscillate in the wind, vanish like rain water

falling on the sand, my mother! ).

3.4.2 The Function of Communication

Besides as a condition of marriage, through tears will

be communicated various things to the intended

person. Things that fall into berru sijahe berru molih

will be revealed through the text of this song, which

may not be obtained through daily communication.

"Nggo mo keppe peahan menguman berrumu nang."

Similarly, among other phrases of tears that say that

his mother was saturated and bored (ko keppe

peahan) nurturing and guiding (menguman). Of

course this situation is according to the feeling of

beriam ginger berru mole that is only commonly

expressed through humming laments.

In addition, the girl will also complain about the

problem that is and will be faced to puhunna

(mother's brother), so that his fears will be even

lighter can be resolved,



Figure 3. berru sijahe berru molih

(maybe it's only Uncle who will accept me, your nephew,

hik, hik).

On the other hand, the presentation of tears is also a

sign language for people or people who hear it, that

will take place in the near future marriage ceremony.

3.4.3 The Function of Symbolic

Representation

Merriam says that music serves as a symbol of the

things, ideas, and behavior that exist in all societies

(1964). In Pakpak society, tangis is a symbol of the

things, ideas and behavior of the girl to the person she

wears. By doing tears, the girl will be fed called nakan

pengindo tangis (food persuader). Chicken side dish

served should be eaten, but his head will be collected

to be brought to his husband's village as a symbol or

symbol that the big family of the girl is a person who

is well-mannered and support and bless the marriage.

Social Function of Senandung Ratap Tangis in the Marriage Context of Pakpak Custom

1401

In addition, bring the chicken head to the husband's

family to show the genealogical and psychological

proximity between the giver and the recipient (girl).

Another symbol is the statement of suffering and

anxiety expressed in the text "nang, mayup-mayup

bagidi berrumu bage bunga ni rih, mersep-mersep

bagidi berrumu bage udan i kersik, le nang ni

berruna” (mother, your daughter will be flung like a

flower the windblown grass hobbled away,

disappearing like rain falling on the sand, my

mother). Bunga ni rih (flower of weeds) is an object

that is easily flown by the wind and can hardly be

anything. Once released from the flower stalk will be

lost, so the girl describes himself later away from his

family of origin. The statement was then reinforced

by describing himself as rain water that fell on the

sand, disappeared without leaving a trace.

3.4.4 The Function of Physical Response

Simply put, the body is a collection of human

biological elements. Action that comes from the

spiritual will directly affect the soul and feelings of

the owner. Likewise, on the contrary, action that

comes from the spiritual will cause reaction to the

body. Each end of a tangis phrase will always end

with a sob (hik, hik) called nderru-nderru. The

occurrence of nderru-nderru is due to the

encouragement of the sad giver, thus affecting the

listener's emotional to then participate in tangis

(chanting the tears). The participation of ta ngis aims

to persuade berru sijahe berru molih stop her tears.

3.4.5 The Functions of Enforcing

Conformity to Social Norms

As mentioned above, this tear is only held after the

event mekata utang is implemented and a few days

after the marriage was held, that is when mulak ulbas.

These norms and rules apply strictly, and it is not fair

if tears are performed outside this provision. The

contents and feelings of the heart of the girl will be

revealed through the text of tears where this is not

commonly done in everyday conversation. Similarly,

weeping from the pendengani sitangis (the person

weeping) in addition to containing advice, advice,

etc., also aims for social control. All this will be

obtained by presenting the tangis berru sijahe berru

molih, meaning that the automatic tangis is also a

request for people who are mourned to give advice

and support.

Likewise with the luggage (luah) berru sijahe as

the stock of his marriage, it is not uncommon to be

asked directly to the mourned, but requested through

wailing laments,



Figure 4. tangis berru sijahe berru



Figure 5. tangis berru sijahe berru

(you always give me delicious food, warm blanket hik hik

my uncle, hik hik)

Through the crying language above, usually the

uncle (puhun) always provide good food and warm

blanket to the berru sijahe berru molih through the

portrait of the uncle will provide lunch in the form of

mat (belagen), gold (oji), or hens (manuk inangna)

according to the willingness and ability of the giver

as stock in the marriage of nephew (berre)

3.4.6 The Function of Validation of Social

Institution

Social institutions that maintain customary customs

can be endorsed by songs that support indigenous

customs, and to comply with customary regulations.

Pudun as the last process of endorsing marriage

bonds done at the time of merkata utang, will then be

followed by other endorsements. This ratification is

primarily carried out by and to other groups, in this

case as the customary social institutions involved.

For example, before the marriage ceremony

takes place the man must first ask permission to his

puhun (uncle, mother's brother). This is done because

the young man will marry another girl, because the

youth custom is the right of the impal (daughter of the

uncle) to marry. Similarly, on the contrary, berru

sijahe berru molih who is not married to the son of

aunt (namberu) must also seek permission and

blessing through tangis.

Similarly, tangis directed to other relatives, in

addition to the expression of feelings are also a

request for support for the marriage. Food cries of

crying (nakan pengindo tangis), material things,

advice and advice received by the girl, in addition to

the provision of marriage automatically also is a

moral and material support for the marriage. In other

words, it is customary that these social groups have

endorsed through their respective grants.

3.4.7 The Function of Culture Continuity

Music can also be used as a vehicle of traditional

teaching that ensures the continuity and stability of

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culture until the next generation. Basically, tangis

also serve as a means of education for berru sijahe

berru molih. Through tangis, the married girl can

learn customs, social norms, other habits as well as

the values and worldviews prevailing in her

community. All of this is obtained from the relatives

he wears, as already mentioned in the function of the

social institution's endorsement.

Because tangis berru sijahe berru molih is only

presented in the context of marriage only, then the

children born through the marriage will be the heir of

the culture of his ancestors which will thus continue

the continuity of that culture to the next generation.

Thus the culture will remain alive according to the

needs and functions of the support community.

3.5 Tangis Presentation

Basically tangis is always addressed to two things,

namely for humans, and for nature. Chronologically,

tangis directed at humans begin with menangisi

inangna (mother), and menangisi bapana (his father).

Specifically both parents will be cried together with

the day of merkata utang event, ie in the afternoon

(cibon), after merkata utang finished. The following

afternoon, berru sijahe berru molih is full-

accompanied by berru mbellen (old mother who is as

bright as the girl, and who knows the customs) as a

guide, radingna (girl's close friend) who takes care of

all the needs of the girl , and a woman sijujung

papurun is the one who brings all the necessities of

the good girl to the people who are mourning as well

as the objects of their giving-those who are weeping -

-- will weep over mpungna (grandfather and

grandmother), turang (brother), patua (the eldest

brother), papun (the youngest father's brother), tonga

(middle father's brother), puhun (uncle, mother's

brother), and namberru (father's sister).

If the family torn is 9 (nine) then it takes at least

9 (nine) days to weep for each of them. Of course it

cantake weeks or even months to match the number

and location of each of the relatives. The more

relatives weeping, the more marriage provisions the

girl will take as her luah to her husband and in-laws

village. Such a large number will increase their status

and social status as berru ni raja, kalak beak

(honorable daughter, person) and sibettoh adat (the

person who knows the customs and who upholds the

values of his traditions).

Before berru sijahe berru molih the cried, berru

mbellen first inform their arrival to where the person

will be mourned. Notifications are usually a few days

in advance, or at that moment. The family that will be

cried by itself will prepare nakan sada mbari

consisting of rice, and chicken meat called nakan

pengindo tangis (food request permission to do tears).

Finished eating together (nakan merherret, food

customary value) then the girl presents napuren (betel

leaves) or papurun (dump) together with the

presentation of tears in a sequential time between

husband and wife who mourned.

A few moments after crying, a crying person

will join the cry, called mendengani sitangis

(weeping) so that in a few moments we will hear two

cries at once. And so on tears are done to the targeted

relatives.

Special tears directed to

rading-rading (peers)

the above provisions are not absolutely implemented.

At night when the girls gather at the simbalu (old

widow) house, before going to bed, the girl will

present her tears. A few moments later, along with the

texts, the tears will cry from the weeping cryer.

Rading-rading will present its tears to provide

support and views while giving a souvenir to the girl

in the form of belagen (mat), selampis (pandanus

pouch) for their separation. The girl will say that with

great reluctance he should leave his friends

menadingken page sabah, mendapetken page tukur,

menadingken sienggo ramah, mendapetken lako

kitutur (leaving rice paddy fields, get rice in the

market, leave friends, get prospective relatives).

On the other hand, tangis is also directed to

nature by menangisi dalan-dalan mi juma (a farewell

to a daily walk through the field), menangisi lae

(crying over the river) where the girl always bathed,

washed, and took water, as well as crossroads and

other intimate places. In the hope that familiarity with

similar places would continue in its new place, and

the memories created in the past did not affect the

psyche.

4 CONCLUSION

Tangis berru sijahe berru molih is wail laments are

presented in the context of marriage Pakpak tribe in

Sumatera Utara. As the name implies, this song is

only for women (berru) only, who will marry or some

time ago has been carrying out their marriage

customs. Tangis are presented after merkata utang

process (the determination of the dowry and the

determination of the traditional wedding feast,

merkejejapen) is completed by both parties.

Contextually, tangis berru sijahe berru molih is

presented as an expression of feelings and the love of

the girl (berru sijahe berru molih) to parents,

relatives, nature, and request for support for the

continuity of the household trip later. In addition, the

Social Function of Senandung Ratap Tangis in the Marriage Context of Pakpak Custom

1403

presentation of tangis is a gesture of notification to

the girl's relatives as well as requests for moral and

material support from them. At the time of the

presentation of tangis the compilation of words in the

text of tangis should be worked out in such a way

thattouches the feelings of the person who is

mourning. Poetry or texts in general contain

contradictions from the real fact, the goal is to arouse

the feeling of being weeping and attracting

sympathetic feelings.

From the musical analysis performed shows that

basically tangis melodic are not the main thing, it can

be seen from the aspect of cultivating the melody that

must be adapted to the text of tangis. The longer the

text of the tangis the longer the cultivation of the

melody. Also in the form of melodic phrases have no

rules in repetition and development. At the moment

the emotion of the presenter increases the melody and

the tone also tends to increase, and vice versa. So

long, dense text will automatically lengthen the

melody and reduce the duration of the note, but tend

to hold on to the same note. This situation makes the

tangissong is dominantly tilled with syllabic

technique.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors gratefully acknowledge that the present

research is supported by Ministry of Research and

Technology and Higher Education Republic of

Indonesia. The support is under the research grant

TALENTA USU of Year 2018 Contract Number:

2590/UN5.1.R/PPM/2018 at 16

March 2018.

REFERENCES

Panggung. Jurnal Ilmiah Seni dan Budaya, vol.27 No.3

September 2017

Lynette M. Moore. “Songs of the Pakpak of North

Sumatra.” Disertasi of Doctor of Pilosophy

Department of Musik. Monash University. 1985.

Milton Singer. “Masyarakat Seni Pertunjukan Indonesia”

1996, 164-165

Alan P. Merriam. The Anthropology of Music. Chicago:

Western University Press, 1964.

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