Benih Mardeka in Political Movement of East Sumatra, 1916-1923

Budi Agustono

, Wara Sinuhaji

, Kiki Maulana Affandi

, and Junaidi

Department of History, Universitas Sumatra Utara, Medan, Indonesia

Department of History, University of Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia

Keywords: Benih Mardeka, Press, Worker, Political Movement, Independence.

Abstract: This paper deals with Benih Mardeka movement was a medium to strive for justice and Indonesian

independence in East Sumatra. Benih Mardeka was very loud in spreading the idea of nationalism,

publishing numerous articles which criticized colonialism and capitalism. The poor living condition of

plantation workers was the main issue used by Benih Mardeka against both the colonial government and

plantation companies. It was also used by Sarekat Islam to disseminate patriotic and nationalistic idea.

Benih Mardeka was a consistent mouth piece of nationalism

among the Indonesian press during

political movement in pre-independence era in East Sumatra.

1 INTRODUCTION

The early twentieth century was the time of

significant change in the Dutch East Indies.

Nationalistic sentiments, lamenting the phenomenon

of colonialization were abound in the public sphere.

These sentiments could partly be attributed to the

colonial strategy of ethical policy. This policy, like a

double-edged sword, fulfilled the colonial need for

skilled administrators, but also caused the

emergence of an educated class critical of

colonialism and partial to the increasingly popular

idea of national independence during the turn of the

century.

This educated class gave birth to the movement

of nationalism. The movement grew hand-in-hand

with the popularization of the press in Indonesia.

The press then were used as a tool to spread the

message of independence organizations and the idea

of nationalism (Hoogerwerf, 1990). In addition, the

press was deemed an effective tool in criticizing the

policies of the colonial government and defending

the interest of the people. One such tool was the

Benih Mardeka newspaper. According to

Mohammad Said, it was the first newspaper in

Indonesia to use the word merdeka (independence)

as well as the first voice of nationalism and

independence in East Sumatra. A quick proof could

be glance from its tagline, Orgaan oentoek

Menoentoet Keadilan dan Kemerdekaan (An Organ

to Demand Justice and Independence) (Said, 1976).

Benih Mardeka’s name and tagline showed its

progressiveness in spreading the idea of nationalism

and independence. East Sumatra, at the time a

location of cultuurgebied (plantation area) was a

fertile region for propagandas related to nationalism

and political movement. Here, colonial practice was

at its most pervasive, the relationship between

plantation employer and employee at its most

exploitative, giving rise to the practice of poenale

sanctie (penal sanction) and a high level of

inequality between the people and the colonial

government and its apparatus.

This paper examined the role of Benih Mardeka

in the independence political movement of East

Sumatra in 1916-1923, analyzing its propaganda on

nationalism, advocacy of plantation workers, and

agitation of the colonialized. To do this, the situation

and condition of the press in East Sumatra in the

twentieth century are described, illuminating the

central position of Benih Mardeka as a press for

nationalism and independence.

2 RESEARCH METHODS

This research usages historical method, consists of

four stages, namely heuristic, critics, interpretation

and historiography. Heuristic is used for documents

collection, such as documents and goverment

official reports as a primary sources. Newspapers

like benih mardeka, soeara djawa and sumatra post

Agustono, B., Sinuhaji, W., Affandi, K. and Junaidi, .

Benih Mardeka in Political Movement of East Sumatra, 1916-1923.

DOI: 10.5220/0010067711031109

In Proceedings of the International Conference of Science, Technology, Engineering, Environmental and Ramiﬁcation Researches (ICOSTEERR 2018) - Research in Industry 4.0, pages

1103-1109

ISBN: 978-989-758-449-7

1103

as an object of research as secondery sources. After

data collection require verification, inter and extern

critics for data findings. Therefore, data is

interpreted so that narrated in historiography

3 THE PRESS

The region of East Sumatra in colonial times was

synonymous with the plantation industry. Introduced

in the region by J. Nienhuys in 1863, under the

Dutch colonial government for the next quarter

century, the region became a thriving cultuurgebied.

Thee Kian Wie stated that plantation development

and growth in East Sumatra was unique, exceeding

development in other Dutch colonies (Wie, 1977).

The growth brought about drastic changes in the

region, transforming its geographical, demographic,

economic, social, political and cultural aspects.

The changes changed the socio-cultural

condition of East Sumatran residents. In terms of

demographics, many immigrants came to reside in

the region, their numbers later exceeding the native

population of Malay, Karo, and Simalungun

ethnicities. These immigrants comprised of

European, Chinese, Indian, and other Indonesian

natives such as Javanese, Minang, Mandailing,

Aceh, Toba, and Banjar (Loderichs, 1997). They

lived mainly in East Sumatran cities, the centre of

the plantation industry. Medan, as the largest city,

experienced the most significant demographic

change (Miksic, 1989).

Such drastic demographic change caused a

variety of interests to emerge. In 1916, many interest

groups were founded, among them Chinese, Indian,

Japanese, and native organizations. Examples of

these organizations were: Sarekat Islam Medan,

Boedi Oetomo, Sarekat Islam Delispoor, Sarekat

Islam Tapanoeli, Sarekat XII Goeroe, Debating Roh

Kita, Medan Setia, Opiumregie-Bond, Rekso

Sengkono, Deli Medan Sumatra Hindu Dharma

Sargam, Deli Hindu Sabha, and Nippondjin Kyokai

(Schadee, 1917). These organizations needed tools

or media to show their presence and articulate their

interest. The press, which had flourished since the

end of the nineteenth century, became a suitable

tool.

In general, there were two functions or roles of

the press in East Sumatra. The first was as a tool to

support and perpetuate the control and interest of the

plantation companies and colonial government. The

second was as a medium to spread the idea of

nationalism and to criticize the plantation

companies’ inhumane practices and colonial

government’s unjust policies by the native

organizations and intellectuals (Suwirta, 1999).

The first newspaper published in Medan, named

Deli Courant, was founded by Jacques Deen, a

Dutchman. Published twice a week on Wednesday

and Saturday, its first issue was on 18 March 1885.

The newspaper was a tool for the plantation

companies to articulate their interest. The native

press even called Deli Courant as the “tobacco

newspaper”. Another European newspaper with a

large influence and radership was De Sumatra Post.

Issued by the publishing company J. Hallermann &

Co. In 1899, several Dutch notables held positions

as editor, J. van den Brand, A.J. Lievegood, and

Vierhout (Said, 1976). The latter newspaper was

more independent and progressive compared to the

former.

Another newspaper was Pelita Andalas. Owned

by the Chinese, it was initially published by

Drukkerij Andalas in 1911. In 1913, it shortened its

name Andalas, and changed publisher to

Sumatraasche Handelsdrukkerij, Medan. Issued on

Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday, with all editorial

membership comprised of the Chinese, this

newspaper prioritized advertisements more than

news (Adam, 2003).

The first Malay-language newspaper managed by

native editors was published in Medan in 1910.

Headed by Dja Endar Moeda, this newspaper was

named Pewarta Deli. It was published by the N.V.

Sjarikat Tapanuli. A majority of the editors were of

Mandailing and Angkola ethnicities. Previously, a

Malay-language newspaper named Pertja Timoer

was published in Medan in 1902. However, this

newspaper was published by the same company

which printed De Sumatra Post and thus print many

of the same foreign news as the Post (Adam, 2003).

Pewarta Deli became known as the first national

newspaper based in Medan. It was read even outside

the East Indies. This was because of its commercial

orientation, fulfilling the need for plantation

information and investment opportunities in the

region. It is important to note that

Pewarta Deli’s

shares was owned and monopolized by Mandailing

and Angkola-Sipirok immigrants who were well-

known in the business world in the region (Adam,

2003).

The early press movement in East Sumatra was

not as nationalistic as a similar movement in Java in

the 1910s (Schadee, 1917). The Sumatran press

movement initiated by the natives and the Chinese

such as Pewarta Deli and Andalas did not publish

many articles related to native welfare, public

education, and social justice. These newspapers

ICOSTEERR 2018 - International Conference of Science, Technology, Engineering, Environmental and Ramiﬁcation Researches

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were commercial in orientation (Adam, 2003).

However, subsequent press movement in East

Sumatra was developed more nationalistically.

Rapid mobility of people and information caused the

emergence of national identity, the sence of

becoming a nation due to the use of Malay

(Indonesian) as a written language.

4 THE PRESS MOVEMENT

The press movement in East Sumatra found its

momentum in the emergence of nationalist idea

among the numerous organizations. East Sumatra

was a fertile region for issues related to economic

inequality and social problems. These issues became

a point of debate in the Sumatran press world

because two camps were formed, one supporting the

colonial government and plantation companies and

the other supporting public interest and justice.

Political movements in East Sumatra were enriched

by the press, which conveyed their idea or

propaganda to the public. These newspapers were

influenced by the development of Malay language,

which later became the Indonesian language. This

language was used as a political tool to unite and

create an Indonesian national identity. Like in Java,

the political movements had their own newspapers;

Boedi Oetomo had the Soeara Djawa newspaper and

Sarekat Islam had Benih Mardeka.

Benih Mardeka was a newspaper which paid

attention to the social and political condition of the

East Indies, especially East Sumatra. Printed by the

publishing company N.V. Handel Maatschappij

Setia Bangsa, which was founded before the notary

public in October 1916, its first issue was on 20

November 1916 (Said, 1976). The company also

published the Soeara Djawa newspaper, an organ or

propaganda tool of Boedi Oetomo. Benih Mardeka

and Soeara Djawa was published in the same year,

1916. This was the time when patriotic and

nationalistic idea became popular in the East Indies,

especially East Sumatra. The colonial government

paid little attention to the spread of these idea,

especially those propagated by the local press

movement (Schadee, 1917).

According to the information from Kroniek

1916, released by Oostkust van Sumatra Instituut, in

1916 the East Sumatran press movement had not

been well-developed, being left far behind the press

movement in Java (Schadee, 1917). Press movement

and development depended on social organizations’

development. Four organizations were vital to the

Indonesian press development, namely Boedi

Oetomo, Sarekat Islam, Indische Partij, and

Indonesian Communist Party (Hoogerwerf, 1990). In

addition, there were also Sarekat Tani and Sarekat

Kaoem Boeroeh. These different organizations had

different interests. Boedi Oetomo for example, was

based on Javanese tribalism, while Sarekat Islam on

Islamic universalism (Overzicht ... Pers 1920, 1921).

The commercial orientation of East Sumatran

press was disrupted by Benih Mardeka, which

published articles demanding justice and equality.

One of its article stated that Benih Mardeka means

the seed of independence. The newspaper’s tagline

of “Orgaan oentoek menoentoet keadilan dan

kemardekaan” was intended to inform its audience

that it was a tool to achieve justice and independence

(Benih Mardeka, 20 August 1918). Benih Mardeka

critized colonialism and capitalism sharply, citing

press development in Java. There were space or

columns for political criticism or satire, titled Boeal,

which articles were written by an author with the

pseudonym Meong. This column was popular among

readers as it was written in a humorous style (Said,

1976).

In its early years, Benih Mardeka could be

discerned as a tool or organ Sarekat Islam in East

Sumatra. Explicitly, this was not stated. However,

the newspaper published many of Sarekat Islam’s

news. This was probably because most of Benih

Mardeka editors were important figures in the

organization. The first chief editor was Mohamad

Samin, a Minang who was also a commissioner for

Sarekat Islam of East Sumatra. Also present in its

editorial board was Mohamad Joenoes, a vice head

of Sarekat Islam of Asahan. The newspaper’s

company director was Tengkoe Radja Sabaroedin,

the president of Sarekat Islam of Medan Deli.

Sabaroedin had ties with the Deli sultanates (Said,

1976).

Benih Mardeka underwent several changes in

leadership. Mohamad Samin’s tenure as chief editor

was not long, his name no longer found in the paper

editorial list on 3 April 1918. This role was taken by

Tengkoe Radja Sabaroedin. Mohamad Joenoes

remained as editor (Benih Mardeka, 3 April 1918).

On the 1 August 1918 issue, the name R.K.

Mangoenatmodjo showed up as an editor under

Mohamad Joenoes. Mangoenatmodjo was an editor

for the Soeara Djawa newspaper. In Maret 1919, the

name of Abdoel Moeis, a leader in the national

headquarter of Sarekat Islam, was printed as editor

above Mohamad Joenoes. In Mei 1919, the name of

Parada Harahap was included as editor, but not for

long. By August that year, all these names

disappeared, leaving only the name of Mohamad

Benih Mardeka in Political Movement of East Sumatra, 1916-1923

1105

Joenoes. According to Mohamad Said, these

editorial changes reflected the uncomfortable

internal condition of the newspaper at the time

(Benih Mardeka, 1 August 1918).

In addition to editorial change, the newspaper

also underwent several name changes. From Benih

Mardeka since it was first published until 31 March

1920, the name was changed to Mardeka on 1 April,

(Mardeka, 1 April 1920) only for it to be changed

again to the original Benih Mardeka in January

1921. The later change lasted until early 1924. Then,

the newspaper was merged with another named

Warta Timoer, resulting in the name Benih Timoer.

Although there was no clear reasonings for the name

changes, (Algemeene ... over de maand Januari

1921, 1920-1931) they did not affect the

newspaper’s tendency in voicing out criticisms

against capitalism and colonialism, as well as

defending public interest.

Benih Mardeka played a vital role in the

movement to spread the idea of patriotism and

nationalism in Indonesia. Even though there were

differences in opinion among the native press

leaders regarding these movements, Benih Mardeka

continued to express the idea of nationalism. These

differences increased the dynamism of political

movements in East Sumatra, strengthening those

who believed in an Indonesian identity, especially

Benih Mardeka leaders.

5 SAREKAT ISLAM

Benih Mardeka’s development was intertwined with

Sarekat Islam in East Sumatra, even though this

relationship was not explicitly stated like “Soeara

Djawa” and Boedi Oetomo. During its founding,

Benih Mardeka leaders also held leadership

positions in Sarekat Islam. Implicitly, these dual

positions had made Benih Mardeka a mouthpiece of

the Sarekat Islam. This organization was very

influential in the decades of 1910s and 1920s, before

the Second World War, as stated by A.P.E. Korver

(Korver, 1985). Founded officially on 11 November

1912 in Solo, Central Java, it became a significant

force in the Indonesian independence movement,

giving birth to many national leaders and patriots.

Sarekat Islam in its peak claimed to have two

million members in all of East Indies (Bezemer,

1921). Sarekat Islam then established its branches

throughout the East Indies, including in East

Sumatra. The region had become a unique one due

to its development as plantation area. The presence

of many immigrants fostered the spread of patriotic

and nationalistic idea. The inequality between the

oppressor and the oppressed was such that Sarekat

Islam became very influential in the region.

Sarekat Islam found an ideal tool to convey and

spread its idea in East Sumatra through Benih

Mardeka. In this, it emulated the practice of its

parent organization in Java, where Sarekat Islam

used newspapers to spread its radical idea. Among

the newspapers used were Oetoesan Hindia in

Surabaya, Sinar Djawa in Semarang, Pantjaran

Berita in Betawi, and Saroetomo in Surakarta

(Hoogerwerf, 1990).

Benih Mardeka published many reports on the

results and plans of Sarekat Islam’s meetings in East

Sumatra. For example, it reported the plan for the

general meeting of the Medan – Deli branch of

Sarekat Islam on 21 March 1920 two days earlier,

on 18 March 1920. It included the meeting’s agenda,

such as discussing the previous year’s report and

financial statements, electing future officers,

planning for demonstrations, and gathering among

the branch members (Benih Mardeka, 18 March

1920).

Benih Mardeka also reported on the congresses

of national branch of Sarekat Islam. The 1918

Surabaya congress was attended by Mohamad

Samin (De Sumatra Post, 2 December 1919), who

reported in detail the congress’ result as well as his

inputs to the congress. These inputs including

reporting the condition of contract workers in East

Sumatra plantations, suggesting the abolition of

poenale sanctie, conveying the conflict between

capitalists and residents, and sharing educational

development in the region (Benih Mardeka, 17 April

1918). They were reported in successive editions of

Benih Mardeka.

Legal issues also came to the attention of Sarekat

Islam in East Sumatra, driven by a legal problem

experienced by a Sarekat Islam member and Benih

Mardeka editor, among other reasons. Mohamad

Joenoes was brought on trial by the court of the Deli

government and sentenced to three months in jail for

his critical article in Benih Mardeka. He mocked the

Deli Sultan for his land dispute with Tengkoe Hadji

Djahir, writing an article titled Hewan Mengamuk

(The Mad Animal). In its legal effort, Sarekat Islam

of East Sumatra worked together with

Sarekat Islam

Tapanoeli, Djamiatoel Moehabbah, Boedi Oetomo,

and Nationale Indische Partij (Benih Mardeka, 27

March 1920).

In the social and political spheres, Sarekat Islam

paid attention to the demand of the elimination of

forced workin East Sumatra, distribution of land,

and improvement of plantation workers’ life.The

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1106

first demand was directed to the Volksraad

(parliament), which responded with a letter on 16

November 1918. Sarekat Islam also met directly

with the governor of East Sumatra for this purpose,

discussing the difficult economic condition (Benih

Mardeka, 25 March 1920). The governor responded

by temporarily abolishing forced work and

eliminating tax for the poor as much as f. 12,5.

However, the policy did not apply to those

considered as the sultan’s subjects as they deem

forced work custom or tradition, refusing its

abolition (Benih Mardeka, 25 March 1920).

On the issue of land distribution, Sarekat Islam

worked with Djamiatoel Moehabbah, Sarekat Islam

Tapanoeli, Boedi Ooetomo, and the Nationale

Indische Partij. These organizations demanded to

the governor and sultan for a just land distribution

between the governor’s and sultan’s subjects. Also,

they demanded land certificates and cultivation right

of unoccupied land in the jungle. These demands

were later made by all Sarekat Islam’s branches in

East Sumatra (Benih Mardeka, 25 March 1920).

6 WORKER RIGHTS

The life of plantation workers was of great interest

to the East Sumatran press, especially the practice of

poenale sanctie, often called hidden slavery

(Overzicht ... Pers 1918, 1919). This practice had

been mentioned since the turn of the twentieth

century, when van den Brand polemical brochure

was circulated even in the Netherlands (Brand,

1902). The issue was so sensitive that debates

repeatedly occurred between the European and

native presses, as well as between the native presses

(Breman, 1997).

The Dutch East Indies government regulated the

plantation industry under Koelie Ordonnantie 1880.

The regulation included work hours, salary, and

sanctions for plantation employer and employee who

violate it (Staatsblad van Nederlandsch-Indie 1880,

No. 133). Workers under this regulation were called

contract worker, and those who violated the contract

were deemed to have committed poenale sanctie

(Wertheim, 1987). The contract was intended to

protect plantation companies from rebellious

workers. However, it was misused by the

companies, who often tried and punished the

workers by themselves. Sick workers were fined

with forced work which time was determined

arbitrarily by the companies (Stoler, 1985).

Arbitrary and heartless actions were committed

against the workers even before they worked in

plantations. They were deceived in the recruitment

process especially in poor villages in Central Java. A

popular term for this deception was pengwerekan

buruh. The agent or werek enticed the villagers to

work in plantations with high salaries and decent life

in Deli (Szekely-Lulofs, 1985). The deception and

fraud committed by these agents were unable to be

controlled by the colonial government. They closed

one eye towards the deception as if in cahoots with

the agents and the colonial law enforcement (Benih

Mardeka, 20 April 1918).

When they arrived in the plantation, the workers

became trapped in a vicious circle of poverty and

suffering. The plantation companies made it such

that workers cannot escape this cycle, giving salaries

on the first date of the month and 16th of each

month (Deventer, 1921). On these dates, the

plantation held night markets in which all activities

were legal, including gambling, prostitution, and

open trade of alcohol and drugs (AS GB-MGS, No.

4268). It was thus unsurprising to find that

plantation life was full of violence and criminality.

A divisive issue of plantation life was poenale

sanctie. This issue was heavily debated between the

native and European presses. Among the native

press leaders who debated on this issue was

Mohamad Samin and the editor of Soeara Djawa,

R.K. Mangoenatmodjo. They also debated with the

European editor of De Sumatra Post (Overzicht ...

Pers 1918, 1919). Despite these debates, Benih

Mardeka cooperated with other newspapers, such as

Pewarta Deli and Soeara Djawa, to report for the

interest of the contract workers. These newspapers

initiated the collection of donation for the workers,

managed under the organizations of Sarekat Islam

dan Boedi Oetomo. They also paid attention to the

development of press in Java so as to fine tune its

reporting regarding plantation life (De Sumatra Post,

21 February 1918. The Benih Mardeka editors saw

plantation life for themselves by visiting the workers

in the plantation. The workers informed them of

more demands, such as shorter work hours, free

housing in plantation, and pension after their

contract was over (Benih Mardeka, 2 May 1918).

Considering the difficult plantation life, Sarekat

Islam issued several resolutions in their general

meetings, which were reported by Benih Mardeka.

Several points of these resolutions were brought to

the national Sarekat Islam congress in Surabaya in

1918, (1) Abolition of Poenale Sanctie

; (2) A

minimum salary of f. 60; (3) A maximum length of 8

hours work; (4) Workers who finish their contract

are allowed to terminate their contract; (5) Workers

who have worked for 15 years must be given

Benih Mardeka in Political Movement of East Sumatra, 1916-1923

1107

pension; (6) Workers who wish to live in East

Sumatra must be given land with right of cultivation

(erfelijk individueel bezit); (7) Paid maternity leave

between 7 months of prenancy and 40 days after

labor; (8) Legal issues must be brought before the

colonial government or Landrechter; (9) All

workers’ children must be educated in plantation

schools; (10) Gambling in plantation must be made

illegal (Said, 1990).

These ten demands were the result of the

advocacy conducted by the Benih Mardeka and

Sarekat Islam leaders in East Sumatra. The

advocacy found its momentum during the speech

given by Mohamad Samin in the general meeting of

Sarekat Islam Medan – Deli on 17 February 1918.

The speech criticized and condemned the terrible

condition faced by workers in plantation (Soeara

Djawa, 18 February 1918). In his speech, Mohamad

Samin described the influx of foreign investment in

East Sumatra. The rapid growth of plantation was

mainly due to contribution of Javanese immigrant

workers under the bond of contract regulation called

Koelie Ordonnantie. He censured the deception

committed by agents, which caused much suffering

to the workers as they receive low salary and

horrible treatment in the plantation. An example of

this suffering is the punishment of poenale sanctie, a

practice which he had criticized regularly as editor

of Benih Mardeka (Said, 1990).

7 CONCLUSIONS

The Dutch East Indies in the early twentieth century

was a time of flux. Dutch ethical policy had

produced many native intellectuals who were

influenced with nationalistic sentiments prevalent in

the time. These intelectuals established many

organizations which later demanded independence

from the Dutch. Even though these organizations

were initially based in Java, later they spread to

other regions such as East Sumatra.

The rapid development of East Sumatra due to

plantation growth had resulted in a stark difference

between the colonialist” and the colonialized. This

difference was made visible especially by the

nationalist movements which had begun to take

roots in the region. These movements used the press,

especially newspapers, as a tool to spread their

nationalist propaganda. A notable newspaper in this

regard was Benih Mardeka, which published many

articles critical of colonialism and capitalism in East

Sumatra. Wretched plantation life experienced by

the workers drove Benih Mardeka editors to write

and publish many articles to condemn the colonial

government and their subsidiaries, as well as the

plantation companies. In these actions, Benih

Merdeka had truly fulfilled its tagline of “An organ

to demand justice and independence”.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all, I would like to thanks DRPM

Kemenristek Dikti which offered grants for this

research. This research was funded by the Ministry

of Research Directorate and Societal Affairs,

Ministry of Research, Tecnology and Higher

Education, 2018.

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