Anti-fake News Legislations and Free Speech:
A Comparative Evaluation of the Trends in Germany, Malaysia, and
Kenya
Suleiman Usman Santuraki
Department of Public Law, University of Maiduguri, Maiduguri, Borno state, Nigeria.
Keywords: Fake News, Free Speech, Social Media, Legislations.
Abstract: Fake news is intended to misinform, deceive, or manipulate the public. It may create tension and potentially
crisis of untold proportions. It may also scare people from expressing themselves for fear of becoming a
source of fake news. Consequently, national regulators have resorted to regulating fake news especially on
the social media, to prevent an impending and imminent catastrophe that it could lead to. The idea behind the
regulation of fake news is not in itself blameworthy, it may be used to suppress free speech by wide and
subjective definitions of fake news. Using doctrinal as well as comparative methodologies, this paper
appraises the trend between states of passing laws or proposing laws to regulate fake news. It appraises the
contents of such laws from Germany, Malaysia, and Kenya, to show how they affect free speech. It finds that
though some provisions of the legislations considered may negatively affect free speech in those jurisdictions,
some measures were taken to restrict such effects. The paper concludes that textually, the German legislation
made more strained efforts to avoid negative impacts on free speech, while the Malaysian law looks
procedurally sound by subjecting decisions to judicial review. The Kenyan law categorically derogated from
the constitutional guaranty of free speech.
1 INTRODUCTION
The new millennium ushered in unprecedented
advancements in information technology making
communication much easier and almost
instantaneous. As a result, what amounts to news is
not restricted to that which comes from the
mainstream media, so individuals and groups can
easily publish stories that gets to millions of people,
notwithstanding its veracity.
Such stories are often fake and can have
devastating social and security consequences on
societies. Because of the explosion of fake news on
social media, calls have been made at both national
and international levels to curb the trend seen as an
imminent and clear danger to society. Such calls have
been heeded by several states in the form of
legislations and regulations, imposing penal and civil
liabilities for expressing, promoting, or providing the
platform for fake news. Several nations have either
promulgated or attempted to promulgate legislations
aimed at regulating fake news. Such legislations
come in various forms, mostly penalising the
publication of fake stories, restricting the freedom
with which individuals and organisations publish
news items and stories. Though the regulation of fake
news is not in itself a wrong trend, the nature of such
legislations is such that they may lead to unintended
consequences.
Primary among such unintended consequences is
unnecessary restriction on the freedom of expression.
In such circumstances, fighting the scourge of fake
news online would have provided the perfect
opportunity to gag not only the media, but even
private individuals from expressing themselves. This
paper therefore, critically analyses and compares
Anti-Fake News legislations and policies in Malaysia,
Germany, and Kenya, with petty reference to other
jurisdictions. The aim is to show how these laws and
policies meant to curb the scourge of fake news
undermine free speech. It finds that anti-fake news
legislations in some states undermine free speech.
296
Santuraki, S.
Anti-fake News Legislations and Free Speech: A Comparative Evaluation of the Trends in Germany, Malaysia, and Kenya.
DOI: 10.5220/0010049502960305
In Proceedings of the International Law Conference (iN-LAC 2018) - Law, Technology and the Imperative of Change in the 21st Century, pages 296-305
ISBN: 978-989-758-482-4
Copyright
c
2020 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
2 THE FREEDOM OF
EXPRESSION OR FREE
SPEECH
Free speech has become synonymous with
democratic societies as an essential enabler for
discussing varied views. This underscores the need to
protect and promote freedom of expression among all
and sundry to develop democratic foundations
(Tsesis, 2015, p. 1). The inevitability of free speech
has generally been viewed from the natural human
yearning for self-actualization, the spread of truth,
and societal involvement aimed at developing “the
whole culture” which ultimately leads to the
formation of a firm society (Emerson, 1970, p. 6-7).
It should therefore, be conscientiously protected and
cherished, for it reflects the person’s logic of
uniqueness and individual goals, self-sufficiency and
advancement of knowledge, in addition to communal
values. The freedom of expression stems equally
from the individual requirement to express thoughts,
and the communal right to parity. Hence,
advancements in information and communication
technology (ICT), especially the internet presented
the perfect prospect for such a notion to thrive
unhindered. This was made even better by the
eruption of social media platforms such as Facebook,
Twitter, YouTube, and the like, all of which
facilitated and eased communication. The gigantic
benefits of such advancements notwithstanding, they
have also been used to peddle fake news at an
unprecedented level.
In a democratic setting, contending entitlements
are tested through continuous discourse which
promotes the procurement of varied contribution
aimed at shaping political conclusions: Free speech
facilitates such a process. As a result, democratic
societies are beholden to protect personal freedom of
expression: at the same time, the society is bound to
encourage values of equality designed to prevent
against impairing others' security and self-esteem.
Consequently, to ensure parity, governments are
generally deprived of the authority to regard the
speech of equally positioned individuals contrarily
(Tseis, 2009, p. 497). The promotion of individual
freedom and democratic heterogeneity therefore
underlie the need for all and sundry to freely express
their thoughts.
Thus, the concept of free speech originates from
the framework of a broader notion of freedom and
parity preserved as core human aspiring values. The
primary purpose of establishing democratic societies
may therefore be seen in the need to articulate
guidelines aimed at achieving these aspirations
(Tsesis, 2015, p. 4). As a result, legal instruments, be
they national or international have been endorsed
primary to facilitate and ensure the enjoyment of this
right. This is good for the individual as well as the
society for it identifies the need for all persons to
explore their inimitable life strategy, which may be
reflected in our expressions, devoid of unwarranted
fetters (Wilkinson III, 2012, p. 4).
Restraints on freedoms, if any, should be
reasonably planned towards the common good,
deprived of subjective favouritisms in the direction of
any set of people. In many societies, the freedom of
expression is essential, not only for historical
purposes, but also to aid in moving away from
undesirable historical antecedents. It promotes a
commitment towards the advancement of equality
and human rights, as it serves as a vent to persons
dedicated to societal transformation; it is an
indispensable tool for nurturing communal discourse
around issues which hitherto were unmentionable
(Goldstein & Feldman, 2010, p. 830). Because of the
equality of all human beings, disagreements are
inevitable on almost all aspects of social life; the
freedom of expression is an essential predicate for all
individuals to express their distinct views leading to
concessions for the common good (Schauer, 2012, p.
97). Free speech is therefore an essential element of
any society dedicated to the common good as
opposed to a few. A diverse civilization is not
expected to express itself in agreement: hence the
need to protect varied persons’ resolve to scrutinize
notions alike as within the society they all belong to.
This explains the protection of the individual’s right
to freedom of expression under domestic
constitutions and bills of rights and international legal
instruments to ensure a global framework towards
global fortification.
2.1 Fake News
Fake news is complex, multifaceted, and represents
real threat to society. For one thing, it has become
widespread with grave damaging effect on both
persons and the society at large. Fake news can
effectively disrupt the validity equilibrium of the
news environment, deliberately convince its patrons
to uphold predisposed or dishonest views, as it is
typically wrought by polemicists to send dogmatic
communications or impact. It also has the potential to
prompt misgivings and confusion among individuals,
hindering their aptitude to discern truth from
falsehood (Shu, Sliva, Wang, Tang, & Liu, 2017, p.
1). The idea of Fake news is not a new phenomenon;
Anti-fake News Legislations and Free Speech: A Comparative Evaluation of the Trends in Germany, Malaysia, and Kenya
297
yet, the expansion of the social media facilitated by
the internet has made fake news a more prevailing
power that contests conventional reporting standards.
The lingo ‘fake news’ presents a novel platform
for persistent deliberations in relation to reporting
practices and integrity, state regulation, preconceived
information and suppression. It underscores the place
and function of social media and the internet in
contemporary public domain. It has become one of
the most famous terms in universal lexicon, yet its
true connotation remains distorted to possible
meaninglessness. It is frequently applied as a smear
flung at the media or partisan adversaries. It is often
used interchangeably with such expressions as
“propaganda, disinformation, and misleading
information” (WiltonPark, 2017, p. 2), the application
and understanding of which can be relative, thus
hindering consensus. As a result, it has become
difficult to arrive at a harmonized meaning of ‘fake
news’, or if the term is suitable, bearing in mind that
it is used under several contexts. Notwithstanding, the
term “fake news” and its upshots may be viewed as
the modern-day depiction of news items or
information seemingly untrue or erroneous yet
designated as realistic or accurate. Because the
community supposes, correctly so, that the
information they get from news outlets was
professionally collected and confirmed by an
impartial correspondent, it is expected that such
neutrality be reflected in news reporting. Thus,
sentiments or points of view should be clearly
disclosed and identified as such. Consequently, fake
news is not restricted to false stories from unknown
or unverifiable sources: it includes deliberately
biased, or clothed reporting from reliable media
(Farsetta& Price, 2006).
It is noteworthy though, that the expression ‘fake
news’ has of recent become an instrument used by
politicians to discredit critical information or
assessments by the media (BBC News, 2017). Along
the same line, certain media outlets might be partial
or discriminatory in reporting facts as it pertains to
their beliefs or ideals. In such situations, whether it
amounts to fake news will depend on the perspective
of the listener, and to a large extent, if the audience
were misinformed. Be it from the presentation or the
material of the news, where the audience or readers
are cuckolded due to the appearance or appeal of the
story or the real erroneousness of information, it fits
into contemporary understanding of fake news. This
trend has been intensified with the advancement in
ICT guaranteeing little control over dissemination of
information that can easily reach millions irrespective
of its accuracy. For example, fake or false
information once presented on social media may be
shared by innocently or ignorantly believing
individuals millions of times, thereby strengthening
its appeal and credibility. In certain situations,
however, individuals share these pieces of
information not necessarily because they were
ignorant of its veracity, but simply because it appeals
to their sentiments, or it serves some personal drive.
Accordingly, it has become even more problematic
for individuals and the global community at large to
discern ‘fake news’ from genuine stories online. To
complicate matters, whereas ‘fake news’ and
‘substitute details’ were hitherto restricted to the
tabloids, contemporary reality pinpoint to their
acceptance and manipulation at the uppermost
heights of politics, producing ethical crisis of sorts,
with universal reach. Though fake news spreads fast
and easily online, its effects offline might be huge,
leading to moves by governments to proscribe it.
3 THE NEED FOR REGULATION
There is no doubt that fake news has become
prevalent over the years, especially on social media,
driven by individuals, institutions, and even states, for
various objectives which may include a deliberate
attempt to delude the public. (The United Nations
(UN) Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and
Expression, 2017). Such fake stories have the
tendency to cause serious damage to reputations of
both individuals and organisations. They may also
provoke crisis, discrimination and antagonism against
specific individuals or groups (The United Nations
(UN) Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and
Expression, 2017). Bearing in mind the negative
effects of fake news, coupled with its potential to
unleash chaos and violence which may affect the
security and welfare of individuals and states alike,
there seems to be the need to regulate such
behaviours. Consequently, over the years, there have
been calls from within states, and at the international
level, for states to regulate incidents of fake news. On
the national front, individuals and groups have called
on governments to proscribe fake news to prevent the
possible effects it may have on security and peaceful
coexistence. In 2006, after a thorough study into the
use of Video News Reporting (VNRs) by US
television stations, the Centre for Media and
Democracy recommended more stringent policies on
how media outfits present publicity videos disguised
as news items (Farsetta& Price, 2006, p. 27). As
result, several countries have either enacted laws
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298
meant to curb the scourge of fake news or are
considering such measures.
On the other hand, there have also been several
expressions against regulation of fake news. The fear
is that any attempt to regulate fake news may have the
effect of eroding the freedom of expression. Indeed,
attempts to regulate speech is seen as a deliberate
attempt by certain regimes to clamp down on free
speech, opposition, and the mass media (WiltonPark,
2017, p. 5). Moreover, there is also the fear that some
punitive legislations introduced by states to regulate
fake news might be too broad, ambiguous, or
inadequate, thereby open to ill use and abuse. The
application of such legislations is also a point of
worry for human rights activists, especially in states
where institutions are not well developed and
independent to ensure equitable and fair enforcement
(OHCHR, 2013). To others, legislating against fake
news will only amount to superficial scrabbling of the
profounder complications reflecting human prejudice
and failure to find mutual positions on issues we have
differences on. Thus, enacting laws to counter fake
news could shadow its hullabaloo for a while; it will
however, have a hypothetically unsettling
consequence on free speech (Reventlow, 2017, p. 2).
Simple or swift solutions to the problem of fake news
are therefore not feasible. It would therefore, be better
if attention is focused towards the fundamental
problems with the aim of addressing it in all its
ramifications, rather than proposing indicative
solutions.
4 TRENDS ON REGULATIONS
OF FAKE NEWS
Several instruments ranging from punitive laws, to
code of conducts have been enacted over the years to
address the problem of fake news. These instruments,
legal or quasi -legal in nature, vary from state to state,
though there might be some points of convergence or
even similarities among some. Essentially, they all
attempted to solve the problem of hate speech and
fake news, especially online, considering the speed
with which it spreads and the possible effects it may
have.
On the national front, several countries have
enacted laws proscribing fake news; at the same time,
many others are either in the process of enacting such
laws or have indicated moves towards that. Examples
of such laws are discussed below.
4.1 Germany
Prominent among anti-fake news legislations is
Germany’s “NetzDG” which came into force on 1st
October 2017, though compliance was differed to 1st
January 2018 (BBC News, 2018). Specifically, the
German law applies to social media companies
having more than two million users in Germany. It
specifically excludes mainstream media
organisations providing ‘journalistic or editorial
content, the responsibility for which lies with the
service provider itself’, and stages meant for specific
communication (Bundestag, 2017, ss. 1 (1)). This was
clearly a thoughtful position meant to safeguard the
media since contents on their websites are not
subjected to this law. It therefore, shows the resolve
of the German lawmakers to safeguard free Press,
while regulating the problem of fake news. This is
commendable because to points to how states may
approach contemporary challenges such as fake news,
without necessarily having to reverse earlier progress
made on free speech. The wordings of section 1 (1) of
the law also mean that it is not applicable to platforms
such as WhatsApp and Messenger since
communications on such platforms are not meant for
public consumption. This again shows a resolve to
protect the right of individuals to speech, deflating
any attempt to relate the law with gagging the media
or free speech.
In addition, though the law proscribed certain
contents as unlawful, such contents were subjected to
the provisions of the German Criminal Code
(Bundestag, 2017, ss. 1 (3)). It therefore means that
for contents to be considered unlawful and thus incur
the wrath of the law, it must be shown that it was
already illegal under the Criminal Code. As a result,
the law cannot be said as having created new offences
as such. What it did was to bring the contemporary
problem of online hate speech and fake news within
the existing legal purview. The law requires social
media companies to delete hateful expressions, fake
news and illegal contents on their sites within 24
hours or 7 days of receiving notice of such contents
(Bundestag, 2017, ss. 1 (2), 3 (2)). Social media
companies are also required to publish detailed half
yearly reports about actions taken pursuant to
complaints where they have received more than 100
complaints in a year (Bundestag, 2017, s. 2 (1)). In
addition, social media companies should facilitate the
complaining process by providing user friendly and
enduring procedures, give notifications to both the
complainant and the user on its decisions and reasons
for such decisions.
Anti-fake News Legislations and Free Speech: A Comparative Evaluation of the Trends in Germany, Malaysia, and Kenya
299
Notwithstanding the detailed and precise
provisions of the German law, several criticisms have
been labelled against it for being perilous, defective,
weakens free speech, and sets a dangerous model for
other states to follow in confining speech online
(Human Rights Watch, 2018). Clearly, one of the
most glaring deficiencies of the German legislation is
the requirement that complaints about unlawful
contents online should be assessed by employees of
the social media company. The same employees are
also responsible for deleting such contents within the
time specified, which could range between 24 hours,
48 hours, or a week (Bundestag, 2017, s. 2 (8)). The
problem with this provision is manifest in the need for
neutrality on the part of an arbiter. In this case, it is
true that the employee of the social media company
may not be a direct party to the existence or otherwise
of the content. However, because the company is
under pressure to avoid being made to pay huge
penalty, the employee may not take a considered
decision and is more likely to decide in favour of
removing the content in any case. This will be an
easier solution for the company than to risk leaving
the content online and be found wanting. This is
especially the case because the employees
responsible for this decision are not necessarily
trained judicial officers. Whatever little training they
may receive also comes from the company.
Responding to the criticisms, the German
Government justified the law, stating that it was a
necessary response to an alarming spread of
detestable expressions, fake news, spiteful gossip,
and defamation (Government of Germany, 2017, p.
1). Describing free speech as the foundation stone of
a free nation, the government emphasised the need to
respect criminal legislations why exercising the right
to freedom of expression. It underlined the
relationship between spoken sweeping positions and
violence. It justified the need for the law on the
inability of initial voluntary efforts to provide the
results desired (Government of Germany, 2017, p 1-
2).
4.2 Malaysia
Similarly popular among national legislations against
fake news, is the Malaysian Anti-Fake News Act (The
Parliament of Malaysia, 2018). The law which was
published in April 2018, defines fake news as: “…
any news, information, data, and reports, which is or
are wholly or partly false, whether in the form of
features, visuals or audio recordings or in any other
form capable of suggesting words or ideas;” (The
Parliament of Malaysia, 2018, S. 2). The law applies
to both online and conventional publications and re-
publications, which might cover sharing on social
media platforms. The extra-territorial application of
the law to persons outside Malaysia so long as the
fake news affects Malaysia, or a Malaysian citizen is
perhaps, one of its most controversial provisions (The
Parliament of Malaysia, 2018, s. 3). Under the Act,
malicious creation, offering, publishing, printing,
distributing, circulating, or disseminating fake news
carries a fine of RM 500, 000, or six years
imprisonment, or both, in addition to a fine of RM
3000 daily for continuous publication. The court may
also order the issuance of an apology and the removal
of such publications. As opposed to the German law,
its Malaysian counterpart made no exceptions of
mainstream media companies, nor individual
communications platforms. It is therefore all
encompassing. This position perhaps strengthened
the belief among critics that the law was meant to gag
the media, and to prevent citizens from criticising
government. Thus, the law drew criticisms from
several sectors of the international human rights
movements. It was described as a nebulously worded
legislation aimed at outlawing free speech
(International, 2018). The law was widely viewed as
a move to stifle free speech especially in relation to
criticizing government as some said it was only meant
to protect then Prime Minister, NajibRazak (Lourdes,
2018). The government justified the legislation on the
need to curb the dissemination of false and malicious
stories, adding that the law will protect both the
government and opposition as it will be administered
by the judiciary. This again, is perhaps one of the
commendable innovations in the Malaysian law,
because subjecting the decisions to the judiciary
ensures some neutrality and fairness. In addition, it
also ensures that contents will be assessed by judicial
officers trained to carry out such functions. Their
experience and training in assessing criminal laws
and human rights violations will be the difference
compared to what obtains under the German law.
Thus, while the Malaysian law is textually more
likely to result in eroding free speech, it seems to be
procedurally better by entrusting the judiciary with
the responsibility of enforcing the law. Following the
2018 general elections in Malaysia which saw the
opposition taking over government, the law was set
to be repealed as specified by the government (Zin,
2018).
4.3 Kenya
In Kenya, publishing fake news is punishable under a
recent law, with both fine and imprisonment of
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between two and ten years (The parliament of Kenya,
2018, Art. 22 and 23). The law applies to what is
referred to as false publications, meaning one who
“intentionally publishes false, misleading or fictitious
data or misinforms with intent that the data shall be
considered or acted upon as authentic, with or without
any financial gain...” (The Parliament of Kenya,
2018, Art. 22 and 23). The law specifically curtailed
the freedom of expression guaranteed under the
Kenyan constitution in relation to ‘the intentional
publication of false, misleading or fictitious data or
misinformation that (a) is likely to — (i) propagate
war; or (ii) incite persons to violence… (d) negatively
affects the rights or reputations of others.’ (The
Parliament of Kenya, 2018, Art. 22 (2)). With respect
to free speech, the Kenyan legislation is likely to be
of concern because of the overbroad use of terms such
as ‘false, misleading, or fictitious information’. The
problem is that these words may be liberally
interpreted with an aim to gag the media or opposition
or to prevent individuals from exercising their
freedom of expression. The requirement that such
information or data is likely to lead to violence and
civil strife is understandable considering the history
behind the legislation which is connected to the
violence that followed the country’s prior elections.
This is more so since the law was promulgated before
the next elections after the crisis. However, how these
far-reaching terms will be interpreted is decisive.
More troubling though is the part that talks about
‘negatively affects the rights or reputations of others’
(The Parliament of Kenya, 2018, art. 22 (2) (d)).
Here, it is not clear whether such information or data
need first be shown to have been false in addition to
damaging the reputation of individuals. If the two
requirements and conjunctive, which seem to be the
import of the law, then it may well be better.
Otherwise, it may be too vague and clearly an
unnecessary restrain to free speech. Again, the
Kenyan law made no exceptions between journalistic
publications and those on social media or even
conventional publications (The Parliament of Kenya,
2018, art. 23).
4.4 Others
In China, the country’s Cyberspace Administration
maintained that online media should not disseminate
any news taken from social media sites without
approval. “It is forbidden to use hearsay to create
news or use conjecture and imagination to distort the
facts,” (Reuters, 2016). It requires all echelons of
Internet management to seriously accomplish their
administrative obligations regarding internet content,
reinforce regulation and detection, strictly review and
deal with fake and unverifiable news. Government in
China, is known for deleting contents on social media
platforms, insisting on the necessity of such measures
to protect the rights and interests of nationals, and to
encourage vigorous growth of the internet (Tambini,
2017, p. 13). Under this system, social media
operators must remove what is considered rumour,
and the authors may face jail terms of up to 3 years,
in addition to suspension of their accounts (Tambini,
2017, p. 13).
In Italy, a 2017 proposed anti-fake news law
aimed at criminalizing the posting or sharing of
contents considered ‘false, exaggerated or
tendentious news’. Offenders may face a fine of up to
5000 Euros, and a jail term where the news could lead
to crime or violence. On failure of the Bill to pass
through parliament, the government introduced
operational protocols aimed at curbing fake news,
under which citizens may report cases of fake news
to the cyber police which may review such stories
(Kaye, 2018, p. 1-2).
In Tanzania, the government issued new
regulations it said was meant to protect the nation
from lies. The move aimed at fighting fake news,
involve the payment of the equivalent of $920 by
bloggers as license fee for placement of content
online. It would also entail a fine of $ 2000 and a jail
term of up to one year (Olewe, 2018). In Uganda, the
government proposed an anti-gossip tax which targets
social media users in the country, to check gossip and
lies (Olewe, 2018). A member of parliament in
Indonesia had threatened to shut down Facebook if it
fails to crackdown on fake news as the country
approaches election (The star online, 2018). Other
nations from France, to Philippines, India, Nigeria,
Russia, Sweden, Jordan and many others have either
enacted or muted the idea of enacting laws aimed at
regulating hate speech and fake news especially on
the social media.
5 THE IMPACT OF
REGULATION ON FREE
SPEECH
Fake news online defines the juncture of numerous
strains: it reflects the manifestations of incongruities
among diverse groups traversing societies. Nothing
reveals the real effects of the revolution in ICT which
could come along with both prospects and trials, like
the menace of fake news. It indicates intricate
harmonization between the freedom of expression
Anti-fake News Legislations and Free Speech: A Comparative Evaluation of the Trends in Germany, Malaysia, and Kenya
301
and the protection of human dignity (Gagliardone et
al., 2015, p. 7). This has lead nations to recommend
legal limitations which may negatively affect free
speech. The exact impact of these regulations on free
speech will depend on the background of the person
examining the laws. For instance, analysis from the
USA seem to be more dogmatic about the
inviolability of free speech, as the jurisprudence from
the USA generally promotes the idea that speech,
including hateful and false expressions are protected
(Tseis, 2009, p. 498-9). This however, is not a
unanimously supported position as some, even in the
USA promote the understanding that free speech may
be derogated from to protect other democratic values
such as equality (Ronald J Krotoszynski Jr, 2005, p.
1326).
Be that as it may, the global scamper to regulate
fake news are bound to result in certain consequences
for free speech. While it is true that some countries
would make strained efforts to ensure minimum
derogation from the freedom of expression, others
may take advantage of the situation to silent dissent,
opposition, and the media (WiltonPark, 2017, p. 6).
On the other hand, even those who may not be
interested in silencing some voices cannot avoid
placing some restrictions on the freedom of
expression to curtail fake news. The laws and policies
fashioned by several countries to fight fake news
might have varying effects on the freedom of
expression depending on the contents of the laws and
the enforcement mechanisms. For instance, under the
German law, contents might be deleted which some
would consider an infringement of their freedom of
expression, especially where it is not clearly illegal.
This is reflected in cases where individuals had their
statements deleted or their accounts suspended for
what they considered protest, but viewed as hateful
statements (The Economist, 2018). As a result, social
media platforms are seen to have been subjected to
censorship.
Therefore, even where the laws are not
overbearingly restrictive, placing the burden of
determining the desirability or otherwise of contents
on the social media companies is bound to have
multiple effects on the freedom of expression. First,
because of the huge fines involved, these companies
are bound to be more concerned about the revenue
they will lose if they are found wanting. As a result,
they are more likely to delete contents that might not
actually have violated the law just to avoid the
possibility of penalty. Therefore, the circumstances
under which the social media operators decide
whether to delete content or not motivate clampdown
on debatably legitimate expression (Human Rights
Watch, 2018). This is even more disturbing when
considered from the perspective that even judicial
bodies, with all their expertise and experience find
these decisions challenging because they require
reasoned and informed assessment. Flowing from this
is the fact that the decisions of the social media
companies are not subject to judicial review which
literally translates into having an unrestricted
censorship. As a result, individuals may have their
expressions censored, and their accounts blocked
without recourse to any judicial process. Invariably,
their freedom of expression has been left in the hands
of non-judicial and privately paid individuals. On this
aspect, the Malaysian law on fake news might be said
to have established better checks on both government
and the social media companies as it incorporates the
judicial process (The Parliament of Malaysia, 2018,
s.6-8). On the other hand, people having their
statements censored and deleted will have the effect
of restricting their expressive nature because they will
be forced to subconsciously consider the possibility
of having their expressions or even their social media
accounts deleted. These worries are even more
serious under the Chinese, and Ugandan legal
regimes which specifically target false stories or
rumours. The effect is that the space and freedom
enjoyed by individuals on social media networks are
gradually being eroded by often vaguely worded laws
and policies which are chaotically enforced by profit
driven private individuals. In addition, such moves
might also have the effect of discouraging individuals
from using such social medias, especially after an
unfair experience which gives no room for appeal.
Looking at the other side of the problem however,
the proliferation of fake news on social media may on
its own have the negative effect of driving people off
such platforms, hence restricting or diminishing their
freedom of expression. For example, individuals who
have been bullied, harassed, insulted, or intimidated
online are less likely to freely express themselves on
these mediums again. In fact, this is the essence of
online incitements, hate speech, and false or fake
negative stories – to prevent the opponent from airing
his/her own point of view.
The regulation of fake news, as may also be seen
from the trends discussed above might have had more
straining effect on free speech as it requires what may
amount to censorship of news and expressions. It is
also more restricting on free speech because there is
clear difficulty in defining what amounts to fake
news, as well as in verifying the authenticity of
statements. Consequently, several national courts
have found legislations aimed at proscribing fake
news inconsistent with the freedom of expression.
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Some of these include the decision by a Zambian
court which invalidated section 67 of the country’s
penal code law. The law broadly mandated the media
to authenticate the truth of all information, be it theirs
or from sources before going to press. In its ruling,
the court found that the law was suppressive and an
inhibition to free speech (Muchende, 2014). Just
recently, the East African Court of Justice invalidated
a decision by the Tanzanian government which
banned a local newspaper for publishing a seditious
story pursuant to an extant law. The court found that
the action of the government contravened the
country’s constitution, the ICCPR, and the African
Charter on Human and peoples’ Rights on freedom of
expression (The East African Court of Justice, 2018).
This however, does not mean that the freedom of
expression has no limitations; there are always
limitations to freedom especially when it affects the
right of others or the peaceful coexistence of the
society. As noted by the UN High Commissioner for
human rights, regulating free speech within the
confines of the law and international human rights
standards “does not mean attacking free speech or
silencing controversial ideas or criticism” … it is
rather a recognition that the right to freedom of
expression carries with it special duties and
responsibilities” (UN News, 2017).
6 CONCLUSIONS
Several governments across all regions of the globe
have proscribed the spreading and sharing of fake
news. In some jurisdiction, such prohibitions are
often widely applied against all categories of users
ranging from the everyday social media users to
important dissidents or opposition, and the press.
While some of these legislations may have a far
reaching negative effect on the right of citizens to free
speech, others have made efforts to limit such
consequences. Hence, the German law categorically
excludes the mainstream media from the applications
of the law and directs its penalty at the social media
companies whose platform are used for dissemination
of the information. Notwithstanding, it leaves too
much power to determine the right of individuals to
freedom of expression in the hands of employees of
private companies whose primary concern is profit.
While the Malaysian legislation is textually
overbroad and more likely to be abused, individuals
are given the right to access the courts to determine
the veracity or otherwise of their stories and their
criminal liability. This position, if enforced by an
independent judiciary, has the potential to ensure
protection for the citizenry. Similarly, the Kenyan law
is to be enforced by the regular courts of the land,
though it is textually more overbroad, and is likely to
be interpreted negatively against the freedom of
expression considering that the law specifically
curtailed that right. In addition, the level of
independence enjoyed by the courts will determine
how these laws will be enforced, hence the need for
the contents to be textually clearer bearing in mind
the right of individuals to express themselves. It is
necessary therefore, that in drafting legislations to
counter the spate of fake news and the negative
tendencies it has in societies, that governments should
be cautious on how much free speech they must
restrict or even prevent in the process. Such laws
should be designed to ensure a genuine protection of
free speech, while at the same time prevent the
incidents of fake news, especially the kind that leads
to chaos and violence. There is the need to strike a
balance between the two competing demands:
protection of free speech and the promotion of
peaceful coexistence in societies. Clearly, nations
can learn from each other and use the strengths in
legislations from other jurisdictions to enhance the
viability of theirs. For instance, a lot can be learnt
from the German law which focuses more on the
social media companies, saddling them with the
responsibility to remove the contents in good time,
rather than unnecessary obsession with penal
provisions targeting individuals which may easily
metamorphose into censorship. On the other hand,
saddling employees of private firms with the
responsibility to determine the right of others might
not be a good idea because such persons are trained
and paid by those firms primarily to help them
maximise their profit.
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