Stylation of Women’s Batik Crafters in Mbok Semok Motif as a

Visual Idioms of Javanese Cultural Change

Desy Nurcahyanti, Agus Sachari, and Achmad Haldani Destiarmand

Faculty of Visual Art and Design, Institut Teknologi Bandung, Jl. Ganesha 10 Bandung, Indonesia

Keywords: Cultural Change, Girilayu, Javanese, Mbok Semok, Visual Idioms.

Abstract: Javanese people has a special character in conveying their feelings which makes majority of their

cultural products related to philosophically meaningful codes and symbols. Abstraction of Javanese’s

mindset and paradigm is visualized on their daily life supporting objects. Stylized female figures is

regarded as novelty since most batik motifs with classic characters displaypatterns and contents (isen-

isen) in stylation forms of flora, fauna, and natural elements such as water, clouds, wind, fire and

mountains. Stylation of batik women crafter on Mbok Semok batik motif is a cultural change symptom

in Girilayu. This study aims to: (1) find out the background of batik motif realization as a visual idiom

ofJavanese in Girilayu; (2) describe the meaning of visual idioms from Javanese philosophical

perspective on Mbok Semok batik motif; and (3) analyze cultural changes which occur in Girilayu

community from Mbok Semok batik motifs visualization. Change is a dynamically happening and

flowing necessity which finds its shape in Javanese today. The emergence of batik women crafter figure

stylation in Girilayu on Mbok Semok motif is an abstraction of space recognition on women authority

as well as their domestic territory. Mbok Semok for Girilayu community is a symbol of strength and

fertility.

1 INTRODUCTION

Image visualization or image embodiment currently

reaches the peak of its meaning. Image or visual

language is universal. The image of a mountain is

agreed as a mountain by all inhabitants of the world,

and it is only distinguished by the way of mentioning

or naming it based on differences in language sound.

Social media has deconstructed the order of the

society in virtual and aesthetic zones, and given space

for dissemination without any barriers. Ethics is

controlled directly by lay users who are agree to be

called netizens (cyber or internet users) by using

norms, values, and understandings from various

perspectives and schools; sometimes it seems too

vulgar regardless of the context and competence.

Expressions, symbolization, criticisms, idioms,

speeches, figures of speech that were initially limited

to an imagination, writing, and oral expression; are

currently able to be implemented in image or visual

language as a visual idiom (Straubhaar, LaRose, &

Davenport, 2016: 3-33, 505). Defining and

interpreting visual idioms lead to any possibility of

multi-interpretations. Thus, it stimulates the

emergence of conflict in varying degrees depending

on its emerging intensity. All visualization forms

have similar purpose to convey messages and

meaningful expressions without words (Allison &

Blair, 2000: 256-300).

Javanese people have long understood visual

idioms in symbolic systems and in the world of

complex layered symbols from their cultural

perspective and interpretation. The Javanese’s subtle

inner character and attitude have formed language as

a tool of communication which is full parables and

analogy. Visual idioms become appropriate form as a

medium of expression which is right on target and

without patronizing. The highest level is the

visualization of ma’rifa (makrifat) level since the

meaning is multi-interpretations, but there is an

agreement in scientific texts as a guide for academic

discussion.

Western researchers have conducted many studies

in the reading of Javanese community visual symbols

in sociological, anthropological, and philosophical

perspectives. Then it is described broadly using

semiotic, semantic, and holistic approach. The

novelty substance is always found even only from one

classical sign and symbol of Javanese community.

Nurcahyanti, D., Sachari, A. and Destiarmand, A.

Stylation of Women’s Batik Crafters in Mbok Semok Motif as a Visual Idioms of Javanese Cultural Change.

DOI: 10.5220/0009447005170525

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Interdisciplinary Arts and Humanities (ICONARTIES 2019), pages 517-525

ISBN: 978-989-758-450-3

517

Form consistency makes it easier if it is repeatedly

done as is rich in references. On the contrary a sacred

form is difficult to dig due to its minimal data sources.

This is a real evidence that the system of Javanese

thought goes beyond the times. Thus, the definition

remains relevant to the era change and phenomena.

Cultural change in Javanese community can be

viewed from simple aspects. One of them is through

the way people produce, reproduce, explore and

conserve cultural products. Sign and symbols as

visual idioms are found in Javanese community

artifacts; such as keris (wavy dagger) ornaments,

wayang (puppets), house buildings, clothing and

batik. The latest one is specifically independent and

is not always included in the category of clothing.

Instead it is included into artwork of wastra

(traditional cloth) with implicit and explicit meaning.

in addition, batik has a transcendent region as a

functional contemplative medium. Besides, batik

artists (makers) understand the process of putting the

wax using canting (special tool to make handmade

batik) on mori (cotton cloth used in making batik)

cloth is not merely about drawing dots and lines for

economic and commercial needs, but also a heart and

mind balancing activity against any fast, temporary,

and false things.

Conveying meaning indirectly by using a rotating

language pattern leads to a small talk and impractical

character impression. The Javanese’s perspective

views this as a polite attitude of a karmic norm.

Conveying an intention in frontal and vulgar manners

is considered as impolite and a norm violation. Idioms

specifically stimulate language creativity and

expressive power. Moreover, visual realm bridges the

embodiment of idioms into an interesting study. The

form of visual idioms is influenced by character,

norms, values, culture, and even geographical

conditions. The vocabulary of coastal communities

will be different from those who live in the mountains

when they refer to ‘sights’. Coastal communities will

refer to the blue sea as a sight; while the mountain

people will refer it to green forest. In addition,

Javanese idioms are mostly from the palace as a

center for culture and social institutions. A commoner

is not permitted to speak by directly looking at the

king's face and conveying his intentions using direct

language. Thus, idiom functions to soften in

conveying one’s intention and as an attitude mirror of

educated and culture men.

Javanese people categorize culture area to

emphasize men’s characters based on their living

areas, i.e. pesisiran (coastal people) and wong

nggunung (mountainous people). Coastal and

mountainous areas form contrastive characters and

different economic support systems. The livelihood

for coastal area community is fishing (being

fishermen) and farming for mountainous community.

Coastal community’s character which is open

influences the way they think. They possess a habit of

studying and discussing. The atmosphere of the sea as

a destination for visitors from other islands and

continents (when air transportation is not yet

available) influences their attitudes and makes it easy

for coastal community to accept new dynamic values

and culture. Coastal people often call themselves as

suburban (wong pinggiran) community or saminism

which refers to a group of less civilized community.

Mountainous people, on the other hand, tend to be

quiet, reflective and contemplative. This

contemplative atmosphere may be created due to the

cold and calm climate conditions. The presence of

strangers is so carefully addressed that sometimes the

visitors will be associated with good or bad omens.

The visitors are usually the distant messengers who

convey information from the king or kingdom as the

center of administration. A popular term in

mountainous Javanese community emerges from this

phenomenon, i.e. ‘adoh queen cedak watu’ (far from

the king, close to the rock) which means they live far

away from the ruler but close to the mountain (nature)

(Endraswara, 2005: 17-19).

It is interesting and significant to study the way or

the attitude of Javanese coastal and mountainous

communities in responding to the development and

sophistication of technology, especially for wong

gunung (mountainous people). The regenerative

movements of Javanese mountainous people are

rarely detected because of their closed and selective

characters. The way people visualize messages and

express imaginative perspectives through visual

idioms on their daily activities absorbed as traditions

can be used as indicators of cultural change.

Meanwhile, batik is an explorative object which is

endlessly peeled and dug in multi-perspective

corridors as the supporting components involved are

massive and plural. The new form of motifs, patterns,

and wimba(space or appearance) regeneration on

batik is expected to open a new perspective on how

community groups respond to the speed of the era

through idiomatic visualization. One of the proper

methods for exploring the perspective of motif

development in community without intervention is

visual ethnography. (Ida, 2016: 4-9). Speakers who

are used as research subject are relevant to the data

regarding the changes in Javanese culture through

visual idioms on batik motifs occurring in Girilayu.

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2 DISCUSSION

Cultural change of a community is a complex series

composed of several supporting elements. This study

observes this phenomenon from different aspects on

a condition of cultural change in traditional

community based on the phenomena existing in

industrial revolution 4.0 era which rely on speed and

technological progress, i.e. the power of images or

visual as a means of expression. Previous studies’

discussions and results mostly review the existence of

forms, types, objectives, and concepts of visual

idioms from social media, while changes in

community from visual idiom aspects of wastra

(traditional cloth) tradition have never been deeply

studied.

Culture along with its all products and side effects

always moves dynamically, spirally and repetitively.

Static condition is merely the cause of unresistant and

disappearing cultural forms. This is due to the fact

that the perpetrators or regeneration move slowly and

gets slower until they stop at an end point. This

frequently occurs to traditional cultural products with

standard rules and which are less permissive or

intolerant to any change.

Javanese community has a dynamic and adaptive

character. Besides, Javanese culture can still be found

today even though only in a different presentation.

Commerciality factor seems to influence format

changes for tourism, entertainment, education and

economic commodities. Adjustments to these

changes which at least shape the new face of Javanese

culture aims at sustainability, regeneration, and

unbroken existence. Cultural representation which is

continuously affirmed will conceptually permeate.

Consequently, the spirit of values, norms and

meanings will still be understood across generations.

2.1 Visual Idioms

Visual idiom is defined as images used to insinuate or

criticize. The implied meaning is sometimes hidden

and difficult for some to understand. Moreover, visual

idioms are intended for specific (special) contexts and

groups. This term has existed based on Greek culture

to express messages aesthetically through works of

art. Visual idioms wrap and present their true

intentions using a better perspective, through form,

color, material, and texture (Barasch, 1997: 27-29).

Art psychology likens visual idioms as a

metaphorical figurative speech which is formed into

such works of art as paintings, sculptures, and even

moving images. There are two meanings of visual

idioms in this case, namely idiomatic expressions and

language constituents as semantics. The metaphor

expressed is deeply and philosophically meaningful.

Visual idioms psychologically reveal and describe a

person's character and mental state (spiritual) as well

as represent the occurring conditions and atmosphere

in a community, group, or even society. Manifested

visualization is guided by messages conveyed in

idioms containing metaphors (Cacciari &

Glucksberg, 1995: 284-286).

Artwork is a language practice representation of

ideas through new expressions. The message and

meaning conveyed by the language in the artwork

will be understood through intense observation and

appreciated as an aesthetic moment. An artwork in

this context is a manifestation of ideas through any

personal style as an expressive physical language

manifestation of messages, ideas, feelings, and

anxiety. Visual idioms in this case are simple

languages of a broad metaphor (Marianto, 2014: 224-

225, 238-240).

The process of forming visual idioms is related to

the way of a designer, artist, and creator thinking. The

order of designing, stimulating ideas, and imagining

process is then accommodated with a series of

equipment supporting visualization. Differences

usually appear in the goals to be conveyed and in the

final manifestation form. All possess similar moral

responsibility to build intimate interactions and

functions with the appreciators and users (Lawson,

2007: 25-27).

Visual language is the closest term to visual

idioms. Form or visual is simpler and universal than

words. In addition, different meanings can be

interpreted from one word by adjusting the context,

concept, atmosphere, the way in conveying,

intonation, and competence of the speaker or the

addresser; while form (visual) is simpler since one

form encapsulates various words. Binary opposition

is an appropriate relationship to analogize words and

forms. These two things are opposite yet

complementary and are able to stand alone but

depend on each other (Tabrani, 2012: 29). The

universality of visual language in its development is

not effective and precise in its meaning when using

particular perspectives regarding culture and habits of

a community which are formed sociologically

(Tabrani, 2002: 55-56).

2.2 Cultural Change

The word change actually becomes part of its own

cultural meaning. Culture is a complex series of

community’s activities results which continuously

repeats through time. Flexibility nature of a culture

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allows it to grow and change according to the

conditions of the community. Cultural diversity is

formed due to various factors and conditions.

According to Bakker the term culture originates from

Sanskrit abhyudaya which means good results,

progress, and prosperity. Edward Tylor defines

culture as a whole complex which is formed from

knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, and habits (Uhi,

2017: 3-4).

Culture changes due to collisions, conflicts, and

problems. The problem mentioned here does not

always mean something negative, yet it is a condition

which requires the best format due to the existing

strong influence and dominance of a product.

Moreover, the cause of this occurrence is the nature

of 'move' in the culture itself internally, for example

an advance in technology leads to the emergence of

its derivative variables such as social media (as

already mentioned in the introduction). The definition

of change itself is something referring to transition

and exchange activities.

There are three possibilities if a cultural change

occurs, i.e. there are components which will be

maintained as they are still relevant and strong, some

are side by side with the new one (acculturation), and

some will be replaced or adopting the new value

(assimilation, adaptation, accommodation) (Liliweri,

2018: 266- 273). Acculturation itself is a mechanism

(defense or resistance system) of cultural changes

which raises several problems, including additions,

syncretism (fusion), substitution (replacement),

deculturation (emergence), and rejection (refusal)

(Kodiran, 1998: 87 -91).

Cultural change can be defined as an alternative

when the condition faces two or more similarly

valuable and materially beneficial choices. The

choice is free and the logical consequences are the

responsibility of the perpetrator. When changes occur

based on these alternatives, a series of norms in the

community indirectly contribute to take part in

supervision (Bakker, 1990: 54). The choices made by

the community will form classifications, strata, and

class. In addition, this classification is formed and

determined internally for social supervision. The

community will give different treatment in

responding anyone who speaks using fast or slow

intonation (Bourdieu, 2010: ix).

2.3 Characters of Javanese Community

Java, to limit the elaboration in this discussion, refers

to Central Java. Based on the history of the discovery

of the largest Javanese fossil along the Bengawan

Solo River, Java is referred to Homo Soloensis. A

brief description of Javanese community views the

Javanese as people who are subtle in speech and

attitude, keeping their intention by using layered

speech delivery. However, when their self-esteem is

disturbed, they will be able to beat back the opponent

without degrading or underestimating. Semar

character in Mahabharata story is a description of

Javanese community. Semar which is derived from

‘samar’ which means pseudo, vague, and unclear; is

a representative of the Javanese character whose way

of communicating or conveying their intentions by

being veiled or hidden, and preferring to not being

forthright.

Javanese community relies on their feeling and

knowledge of titen (remembering), so it is not

appropriate to call them as lack in logic since they are

too reliant on feelings. The knowledge of titen uses

calculations based on seasonal cycles and natural

conditions, so that Javanese people also use scientific

and quantitative thinking concept. Pranatamangsa

(calculation of seasons) and weton primbon (birth-

based calculations) are currently still used in

agriculture even though the climate condition has

changed due to global warming. Moreover, people

still use these calculations before holding some life

cycle ceremonies such as marriage, birth and death to

determine good days and to avoid naga dina (bad

days) and calamity or disaster, even though there are

also assumptions and beliefs of some people

believing that all days are good and it depends on the

purpose and effort in its implementation (Endraswara,

2005: 7-31, 115-130).

Life cycle ceremony in Javanese community has

a noble goal as a reinforcement of sustainable cultural

values and norms. The current commodification of

traditional ceremonies for commercial and

entertainment purposes must be considered from

educational glasses as a way to support the

community in maintaining its sustainability since

living traditions are those which sustain or in

Javanese terms it is popularly called urip iku kudu

urup (life must be alive, life must be give advantages

to others) which means living a life, one must work

(work, make an effort, try) (Purwadi, 2005: 1-3).

2.3.1 Modern Javanese Community

The development of technology, globalization, and

information has reconstructed all life aspects.

Changes occur especially in community's attitudes to

adapt (adaptation) and follow the offer of continuing

progress and sophistication. Javanese community

now faces some choices in positioning themselves

and building personal images. The alternatives

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include three styles, i.e. old, middle (medium,

combination of modern), and modern. Each certainly

has its own advantages and disadvantages. Moreover,

these three styles live side by side in Javanese

community today and complement each other's

shortcomings.

Old Javanese consists of sesepuh (the elders) and

community leaders who still apply traditional

Javanese values along with its normative rules.

Middle Javanese is a generation which combines the

values of conventional traditions and moderate

mindsets. Modern Javanese is the latest generation

born in the millennial era. Javanese blood is only

genetically understood and recognized by their

generation of modern Javanese as their origin.

However, they do not strictly apply normative

Javanese rules. Middle Javanese usually acts as a

mediator of conflicts between the old and modern

Javanese. Often the old Javanese people refer to the

generation of modern Javanese as people who are not

njawani (do not behave like Javanese) as they tend to

be expressive and almost without symbols. On the

contrary, modern Javanese will consider old Javanese

as a conservative and insensitive (to global era)

community group.

Javanese world empirically is a transcendental

region of typical Eastern thinking; not only black and

white, but hidden in gray areas (middle world, liyan)

which is seen not to balance or it is often referred to

as madya (middle, in between). The middle or madya

philosophy puts the mind and soul of Javanese in

balance, no more or less. Madya (middle) is between

the beginning (purwa) and the end (wusana)

((Endraswara, 2005: 4-5, 54-55). Today's Javanese is

the result of concoctions from various cultures which

were present in the past, like pots which is used to mix

various kinds of ingredients and seasonings. Javanese

mentality is thinking before acting, acting with

feeling (taste), and self-control is a true teacher. The

principle of harmony is used by Javanese community

to absorb and interpret modernity with consistent

mental qualities (Permanadeli, 2015: 95). Javanese is

Suwung (empty); a condition described by the

Javanese spiritualist as the peak of calm, tranquility

and peace. The reality merges in the dimensions of

space, time, and can be felt. In addition, the Javanese

who have reached the conditions of being suwung

will turn into a soul who will never be (are not easily)

caught up in the life dynamics which are full of

ambition, obsession, and conflict. KGPAA

Mangkunegara IV describes it at Serat Wedhatama in

Pupuh Pangkur (first) 13th verse, as the ultimate

reality which can be understood when exploring

ourselves, the attitude of a meditative soul and

connected with a contemplative atmosphere

(Dewantoro, 2017: 9-20).

2.3.2 The Position of Today’s Javanese

Woman

Javanese women are kanca wingking (sleeping

partner) and passive, obedient, and submissive to

husband (men). This opinion is spoken frontally by a

layman who is fascinated by the history of the past

social institutions in Javanese community. In

kingdom era, the role of Javanese women was very

vital in helping formulate decisions and policies, even

give influence on when the right time to launch an

attack to the enemy. One of the stories telling the

greatness of Javanese women is based on the

greatness of Matah Ati (the empress of KGPAA

Mangkunegara I) who became warlord of estri

(female) army in the early guerrilla era during the

initial establishment of the Mangkunegaran Praja

(Mangkunegaran Kingdom) (Carey & Houben, 2018:

37-43, 63). The position of Javanese women is

currently changing, not only by dint of R. A. Kartini

who promoted emancipation, but external and

internal factors in Javanese community also

contribute to social reconstruction in Javanese

women’s daily role and in the development of the

wider community.

The ideal concept of Javanese women in the past

and present is significantly different. In the past,

attractive women are those who can run 3M, namely

macak (make up), manak (give birth), masak (cook)

or are good at dressing up, giving birth to healthy and

good children (fertile), and cooking. The domestic

areas of past Javanese women were kitchen, wells and

bed. The position of the weak, minority, and without

choice appears from the area of activities provided for

them. Sophisticated technology, international

egalitarian human rights agreements for women,

adequate facilities, and supportive information flows

have changed the position of women to be equally

with men. Awareness to be educated and schooled

changes the insights and horizons of Javanese women

to give more contribution to the community without

leaving their natural role. The ideal concept of

Javanese women today is to be highly educated and

still be able to play the role of mother and wife for the

family, as well as the citizens and servants for the

community.

Women are recognized as a key component of

sustainability. The nature of women meant here is

reproductive function to give birth to children as

regeneration and as a balancing axis of masculinity.

The nature of asah (giving mental education), asih

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(fulfilling emotional need), asuh (giving medical and

health need) in women naturally functions as a school

to prepare a better generation in the future. The peak

of Javanese women idealization is when they become

mothers, have passed beyond hormonal and

emotional fluctuations for 270 days (9 months), feel

the pain which is equivalent to 20 bones broken

together during childbirth, and give all the soul, body,

and time during breastfeeding without other intake for

6 months and it continues until the child ages 2 years

old. This laku (the way/right behavior) or natural

processes confirms women as strong beings in their

roles.Javanese community adopts the value of

women's strength and verbally visualizes it as simbok

or mbok (mother). Daily life is a functional area of

Javanese women. Thus, the term mbok-mboken

(homesick) emerges which refers to feeling close to

mother to assume a feeling of longing to return home

or when returning home means to feel mother’s love

again. Once a Javanese woman was an object, but

now Javanese woman has turned into a subject.

Nevertheless, Javanese women still need a stronger

figure naturally to protect and guard, men, beyond

their power and portion of domestic responsibility to

emancipatively conduct their ideal social role

(Permanadeli, 2015: 231-245).

2.4 Batik and Girilayu Community

The function of batik was originally known as

clothing with special motifs which were used by the

royal family and nobles. Certain batik motifs are

called larangan (means prohibitions) since they may

only be worn by kings, officials, and nobles with

certain positions; and commoners (ordinary people)

are not allowed to wear such motifs. Batik in Javanese

is called seratan, which is derived from the word

serat, which means writing, because the entire batik

process initially used canting (special tool to make

batik) as a substitute for pen with liquid wax ink.

Motifs are made on a sheet of cloth as writing on a

paper. Seratan is assigned to reveal the beauty and

display implied messages through ornamental

meaningful patterns. Batik skills possessed by

Javanese community are based on hereditary stories

about the story of the king of Jenggala Kingdom

named Lembu Amiluhur who married a noble

daughter of Coromandel Peninsula (a region around

India today). The queen learned to make batik, weave,

and paint from the palace masters while waiting for

the king who was wandering and hunting (Adnyani,

2017: 21-52). The use of batik cloth as clothing was

also written in Raffles' notes which were completed

into a collection of writings in 1813 (2014: 58-59).

Wastra (traditional cloth) covered by wax dyeing

using canting is described as a medium of symbolic

narration to express their soul from a certain point of

view and visual ideology (Situngkir, 2016: 22-23).

The varying characters in each batik enclave show

the attitudes and guidelines of the community. In

addition, geographical indications influence the way

to interpret cultural activities and create identities.

Coastal batik is rich in color and dynamic as the

characters representative of dynamic, open and

expressive community. Outback and palace batik

(classic, larangan motifs) are otherwise; abstract,

stilative, and dominated by firm color tones such as

black, white, cream, dark brown, and dark blue

(sogan nuances; batik motifs with brown color

dominance); character representative of a community

who are introvert, careful in behaving, and having a

layered system in conveying messages. This study

focuses on observations in Girilayu; an administrative

village area with a contemplative aura applying visual

idioms to the work of wastra (batik) as a form of

mental expression (Tabrani, 2012: 100-102).

Girilayu, a fertile village at the foot of the Lawu

mountain, Karanganyar Regency, Central Java, has

developed into a batik area with a far from

commercial impression. The cool atmosphere of

mountain air, surrounded by forests and open

productive plantation land causes the movement,

style and rhythm of the coomunity’s activities to run

slowly and modestly.

At the beginning of the guerrilla struggle led by

Pangeran (Prince) Sambernyawa (KGPAA

Mangkunegara I), Girilayu became a place of tetirah

(rest), a place which was designed to be alone

(seclude to get quiet), rest, and meditate. The location

of this tetirah was chosen by Prince Sambernyawa as

his eternal resting place based on the hints or

wangsit(divine inspiration) he received on one of the

night during his hermitage. This place is known as

Astana Mangadeg. Girilayu is now still visited by

various groups for pilgrimages, academics to trace

Prince Sambernyawa glorious track record from

political, social, historical, economic and cultural

aspects, as well as biodiversity experts who make this

place to identify the preserved and well protected

pristine natural biodiversity.

Dynamic cultural changes occuring in Girilayu

community can be characterized through several

things. One indication of this change is in the

visualization of batik motifs as an idiomatic

expression of the community.From 2015 to 2016 new

batik motifs emerged which still retained classical

elements in terms of patterns, colors, and themes.

Batik makers previously only made batik motif by

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orders and became sanggan (canting workers) from

well-known batik companies from Solo, Central Java.

The persistence of Girilayu community in

maintaining hereditary traditionsunconsciously forms

the work of idiomatic wastra to be an interesting

subject to study. Mbok Semok batik motif is a work of

wastra with strong visualization featuring visual

idioms. The stylization of batik motif called Mbok

Semok (as well as the name of the motif) raises a

strong character of Girilayu community on one hand.

On the other hand, this leads to a changing culture of

Javanese community in repositioning women in

social strata.

2.5 Visual Idioms of Mbok Semok Batik

Motif and Cultural Change of

Girilayu Community

Figure 1: Mbok Semok batik Motif.

Activities of making Batik have become the daily life

of Girilayu women. Applying wax using canting on a

piece of cloth was originally a means of

contemplative recreation. The scent of the hot wax

and the curvy lines and dots on the white mori(cotton

cloth to make batik) are collective visual memory

which accumulates across Girilayu generations.

Canting breed has genetically flown in Girilayu

women. The fertile area at the foot of the Lawu

Mountain was originally built as a tetirah (retreat) for

Prince Sambernyawa (KGPAA Mangkunegara I). It

was then continued to be the eternal resting place for

the Mangkunegaran rulers. There are currently three

large tombs in Girilayu region, i.e. Astana Mangadeg

(KGPAA Mangkunegara I, II, and III tombs), Astana

Girilayu (KGPAA Mangkunegara IV, V VII and VIII

tombs), and Astana Giribangun (the grave of the

family of second President of Indonesia; HM

Soeharto. Mrs. Tien Soeharto was a descendant of

KGPAA Mangkunegara IV and thus she had the right

to build a family tomb in this area). The correlation

between the existence of the tomb and the activity of

making batik is very strong. Girilayu batik is a

descendant of the caretaker of the three large tombs.

Batik women existing in Girilayu were originally the

wives of the tomb's caretaker. They were batik

makers of Mangkunegaran palace who accompanied

their husbands’ duties as caretakers and keeper of the

tombs in Mangadeg and Girilayu. The king gave them

land to be cultivated into productive plantations as a

side activity. The products of the farm are partly

consumed by themselves and the excess is sold to

meet their daily needs. Their salaries were earned

from selling the crops; because the trust of the

Mangkunegaran palace as the caretaker was the

greatest asset they had and this significantly formed

loyalty in serving as abdi dalem (royal servants).

Tirakat (spiritual self abstinence or calmness used

by Javanese as a medium of communication to God),

laku of being apprehensive, and fasting are to be a

ritual done by the tombs’caretakers and their

descendants, as inner and sense workings, and lust

controller. They continued the tradition of tetirah

carried out by Prince Sambernyawa in that place. The

climate and geographical conditions which are cool

and quiet definitely support such activities of soul

balancing in the Javanese perspective. Controlled lust

makes Girilayu community, including batik makers,

become sensitive to the surrounding environment.

Their sense becomes sensitively trained to read and

capture the signals sounded by the nature, for

example they will know that there is an upcoming

distress and disaster know from natural signs. Like a

mother and their children, the nature is the mother and

Girilayu community is the children. They avoid

conducting bad behaviour and destroying the nature

in order not to make the mother of the earth get angry

since the life of Girilayu people depends on the earth

and its natural products.

Girilayu's past history as a praja (an

administrative authority under kingdom or as

provincial level) region of Mangkunegaran, or it

precisely belongs to Matesih (it is currently a sub

district and Girilayu is a village in Karanganyar

Regency, Central Java) has left traces of values and

norms of Tri Dharma teachings from KGPAA

Mangkunegara I (Prince Sambernyawa), which it

now continues to be a guideline for the life of the

people living in the community. Tri Dharmawhich

contains wise and philosophical advice including

rumangsa melu handarbeni (sense of having

ownership), wajib melu hangrungkepi (must

participate in maintaining, preserving, caring for),

and mulat sarira hangrasa wani (always do

introspection or self correction) is currently being

used as a life motto particularly in Karanganyar

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523

Regency area. This teaching is deeply rooted in the

subconscious of Girilayu community, although it is

not orally expressed and taught. The enthusiasm for

continuing batik tradition as well as working with

contemplative feeling is the reality of the Tri Dharma

teachings, especially at the point of wajib melu

hangrungkepi which means people must participate

in maintaining, preserving, caring for the culture.

Conservative and sustainable nature is deeply implied

in this teaching.

A group of batik women in 2016 took the

initiative to create a typical Girilayu batik motif.

Since the first generation of Girilayu batik, batik

makers in Girilayu have never created a batik motif

specifically showing the identity and character of

Girilayu. Then, several motifs were created with the

idea of basic superior potentials of Girilayu such as

fruit, vegetables, tourist sites, typical village markers,

and flora-fauna as the richness of village biodiversity.

Mbok Semok batik motif becomes a point of interest

among others (see Figure 1). This is the only batik

motif displaying human stylistic figures in the style

of classical batik. This motif takes geometric pattern

elements of parang motif which are replaced by

aesthetic compositions of canting deformations. In

addition, sido motif is replaced by batik women

stylation. Then, it is also completed with Tri Dharma

monuments and circular shields from canting

deformations like ceplok motif character.

Figure 2: Stylation of batik women figure in Mbok Semok

Batik Motif

Two attractive forms appear in Mbok Semok

representing the unconscious ideology of art in the

idiom of batik motifpattern, i.e. motif stylation of

batik women and Tri Dharma monuments. Stylation

of batik women gives a distinctive atmosphere and

dominates the entire batik motif. Meanwhile, the

inspiration for Mbok Semokmotif’s name comes from

the female batik makers (see Figure 2). This term is

agreed to represent a group of female batik artists

(batik women) in Girilayu whose big (fat) body. In

the Javanese perspective, big body in women is a

representation of fertility and strength (sacrifice). Big

posture of women who have given birth is due to their

lack of time to take care of themselves and pay more

attention to high quality food intake and because their

top priority is their family (husband, children, and

household duties). Woman stylation on Mbok Semok

motif is a visual idiom of shouting expression from

batik women to show their identity and existence.

Female stylation figure is a new thing in Surakarta

style batik. This motif can be categorized to Surakarta

batik style as the color and tone of the line and the

pattern tends to Surakarta batik style. Besides, this

character is formed since Girilayu batik artists are

hereditary working on classical Surakarta style batik

motifs and also because their ancestors are especially

Pura Mangkunegaran batik artists.

Figure 3: Tri Dharma monument.

Mbok Semok is a visual idiom to show the power

of women (batik artists) in Girilayu. Beautiful and

charming women for Girilayu community are a

source of life by being mothers (married, giving birth

to children) or mbok from the word simbok, a term to

call mothers in Javanese; and a support by becoming

batik artists (help supporting family economy).

Cultural change can be seen from the way of the

whole Girilayu community, especially men, agrees

female figures to come forth. Women originally

played a role as kanca wingking (sleepingpartner)

who ought to obey their husbands, all their

movements and behavior must be careful in order not

to defame the family, especially husbands. Mbok

Semok motif is agreed to be a distinctive Girilayu

motif. This means that the community acknowledges

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the existence of batik women and women as

individuals who are able to contribute for community

welfare.

Tri Dharma Monument is the second visual

idiom emerged in Mbok Semok batik motif. The

monument located in Astana Mangadeg tomb area is

described as approaching its original shape with a

little stylation, especially by removing the base of the

monument in the form of basic building or a square

and terraced base. Small sized monument stylation

colored with the basic color of the cloth (white) is a

representation of purity and normative teaching

abstraction which has become life guideline of

Girilayu community. The monument symbolically

represents the form of phallus (male genitals), as a

representation that men in Girilayu do not dominate

but as supporters and still have a respected position in

the social strata; the existence of batik women

somehow begins with abdi daem (kingdom’s

servants) and tomb caretakers who are predominantly

men inviting their wives to serve in Girilayuland.

3 CONCLUSION

Visual idiom in batik motifs for batik women in

Girilayu is the arena of expression constellation to

reveal their existence and strength. Women in

Javanese communitynowadays get open space in a

position and are counted as a driver of the economy.

The image of a beautiful and empowered woman for

Girilayu community is not just a physical appearance,

but the one who can give life power by creations and

art works. Traditional Javanese community have their

own way to keep up with technology, not by being

part of speed and viral but by counterbalancing that

speed by slowing down and being contemplative

through symbols which are implemented in cultural

products. Cultural Changes in the community in

positioning women is still being controlled by values

and norms. Batik for Girilayu people is an idiomatic

visual medium which is elegantly and aesthetically

capable of being the entrance to influences, values,

and all novelty forms.

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