Buddhist and Confucian Relations in Indonesia:

Conflict over the Ownership, Name and Function of Chinese Temples

(Kelenteng)

M. Ikhsan Tanggok

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Keywords: Buddhism, Confucianism, ownership, kelenteng.

Abstract: This paper examines the conflict between Confucians and Buddhists over the ownership, name, and

function of Chinese temples (Kelenteng) in some areas of Indonesia. The media have never covered the

issue as both of the two religious groups prefer to keep a low profile. At this point, there is no real solution

to solve the conflict. Although there have been numerous discussions about it, none of it has produced any

significant results. Both religious groups claim the Chinese temples to be their places of worshipping, in

fact, neither of them has ownership of the temples. During the New Order period (1966-1998), they were

under the administration of Buddhists, and Buddhist priests administered the Confucian teachings. Today,

the temples were renamed vihara (monastery) to designate them as Buddhist temples. When the state

recognized the rights of Confucians in the subsequent Reformation period (1998-present), the Supreme

Council for the Confucian Religion in Indonesia (MATAKIN) requested that the Chinese temples needed to

be returned to them, but Buddhists continues to call them vihara because of the previous New Order decree.

However, it became mandatory in the Reformation period for the Chinese temples to teach the Confucian

teachings. Buddhists have not supported MATAKIN's efforts.

1 INTRODUCTION

Indonesia is a multinational, multilingual,

multicultural, multi-political party and multi-

religious nation. Based on data of Badan Pusat

Statistik (The Central Bureau of Statistics), the total

population of Indonesia on June 30, 2016 was

257.912.349 inhabitans. The official religions in

Indonesia are: Islam, Catholic, Christianity,

Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism. In addition,

Indonesia also has traditional or local religions

scattered throughout Indonesia. Thus, conflicts often

break out within the country between different

social, ethnic, religious, and other groups, and it can

threaten the nation’s present and future security.

Several disputes have arisen in Indonesia Since the

fall of Suharto in 1998 including in Poso (and

surrounding areas in Central Sulawesi), Ambon,

Maluku, East Java, and other areas, as well as

Arsons and bombings of places of worship,

shootings, and killings, have occurred. On the

Christian Christmas Eve in 2000, several churches in

Jakarta were bombed, including the Cathedral

Church, Church of Canesius, Church of Saint

Joseph, Church of Koinonia and Communion

Church of Oikumene (Liputan6.com, December 25,

2000). On November 13, 2016, a bomb exploded in

front of Oikumene Church in Samarinda, East

Kalimantan (Compas.com, November 20, 2016). On

July 17, 2015, when Muslims were to perform Eid

al-Fitr prayers, a mosque was burnt by a group of

Christians in Tolikara Papua (Republika, July 17,

2015). On July 29, 2016, four kelenteng and one

vihara were burnt by hundreds of people in Tanjung

Balai, North Sumatra (Tribunnews.com, July 30,

2016). On Sunday, May 13, 2018, a family in

Surabaya carried out a bombing that made 18 people

dead and 43 injured (Detik.com News.com, May 14,

2018). Every Christmas, Christians used churches

for Christmas ceremonies in Jakarta, and policies

guarded some other areas of Indonesia to prevent

non-Islamic religions, including traditional Chinese

ones, from the threat of a bomb.

Tanggok, M.

Buddhist and Confucian Relations in Indonesia: Conﬂict over the Ownership, Name and Function of Chinese Temples (Kelenteng).

DOI: 10.5220/0009933716831690

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 1683-1690

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

1683

Several bombing also has occurred in some

regions in Indonesia, burning holy places like

shrines and temples. On a Friday night, July 29,

2016, a riot broke out at Tanjung Balai in Medan

after a 41-year old woman of Chinese ethnicity

named Meliana protested against the call of prayer

(Azan sound) at a mosque near to her house. The

complained provoked the anger of a Muslim group

and led to the arson of four Chinese temples (Tribun

Medan.com, July 30, 2016). The riot threatened the

Chinese community in Medan. However, it can be

solved adequately. It means that the Chinese temple

has become part of the community identity in

Indonesia, thus, if there is a conflict between

Chinese people and other groups of ethnicity, the

temple becomes a target.

Conflicts between Muslims and Christians or

Muslims and other religious groups are not the only

ones in Indonesia. Some have also occurred between

Confucians and Buddhists during the New Order

period (1966-1998). The adherents of the two

religious groups as well Taoists even worshipped

together in some Chinese and Tridharma temples

(temples designed explicitly for the followers of

these three religions or in Chinese language is San

Jiao or more pupular in Indonesia is called Tri

Dharma or three teachings). However, the

Indonesian government recognized the civil rights of

Confucians, in the Reformation period (1998-

present) that followed the Reformation Order (Orde

Reformasi), and the recognition rose a conflict over

the ownership, function, and proper name of Chinese

temples. During the Old Order (Orde Lama) or

Soekarno’s Era) period (1945-1966), Chinese

temples were still called as kelenteng, but in the

New Order (Orde Baru) or Soeharto’s Era (1966-

1998), the Indonesian government changed the name

into vihara, thenceforth they became Buddhist place

of worship. Chinese temple did not get permission to

be repaired if it did not change the name to be

vihara. Chinese people, especially Confucian ones,

wanted the Chinese temple called Kelenteng.

Nevertheless, Buddhists challenged this

aspiration because, during the 32 years of the New

Order period, these Chinese temples known as

vihara and their administrators were generally

Chinese who have converted from Confucianism

(Agama Khonghucu) to Buddhism (Agama Buddha).

People generally assumed that the temples were

Confucian and Taoist places of worship because it

was used by Chinese people who followed

traditional Chinese religions named Confucianism

and Taoism (Tanggok, 2007; Yang, 1970). The

Indonesian government has recognized

Confucianism as one of the six official religions in

Indonesia since the year 2000 (since Abdurrahman

Wahid became a president of Indonesia), while

Taoism (agama Tao) as a religion did not get the

recognition from the Indonesian government (in

China, Taoism as a religion ger the recognition from

government). The follower of the latter religion is

those who prohibited from living under and being

protected by the Indonesian government.

The aim of this study is to examine the

ownership claim of each religious group over the

Chinese temples, the change of their name, and

possible solutions to the conflict.

2 CONFLICT

The definition of “conflict” according to the

Indonesian Dictionary is a dispute or disagreement.

The definition of a social conflict designates one

between members of society that is comprehensive

in scope (Big Indonesian Dictionary, 2005: 587).

One source suggests that conflict can be interpreted

as the process of achieving one’s goals by

weakening one’s opponent, regardless of prevailing

social norms and values (Soekanto, 1993). In

another sense, conflict is a social process that

involves challenging people or groups with threats

of violence (Narwoko and Suyanto, 2007). Conflicts

do not only occur between individuals, but also

between different ethnic groups, and social ones

within a community.

According to Macmillan Dictionary of

Anthropology, conflict has a broad term, including

phenomena which may be classified under a number

of different headings. The anthropologists is very

interested in studying the problems of social conflict

of many sosiety. Social sciences, like Anthropology

of Law, the Anthropology of war, Political

anthropology and study of social and cultural change

all have as a central concern the phenomenon of

conflict between individuals, groups or social

classes. In the dictionary it is also said that

approaches to conflict in anthropology and in the

social sciences in general vary considerably

according to the theoretical significance attached to

the disputative relationships. The tradition of studies

of deviance and social control established by

Durkheim and also developed by functionalist and

structural functionalist anthropology and sociology

has frequently been criticized for failing to take into

account fundamental conflicts of interest between

different groups or sector in society, conflict not

accounted for by a model of functional equilibrium

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and systems maintenance. Also said in Marxist

Anthropology, conflict is regarded as build into the

social system, and is seen as productive and positive,

inasmuch as it is the expression of underlying

contradictions which will culminate in the

transformations of society itself. Not only in Marxist

Anthropology, in the Anthropology of Law also has

a number of approaches to the study of conflict and

dispute settlement, which depend on whether the

anthropologist and legal institutions view

mechanisms for resolving disputes as necessary

element in the maintenance of social cohesion and a

common moral order (Smith, 1990). In this contexts

conflict social and religious conflict become

interesting study for social sciences.

Lewis A. Coser (1973) in one of the leading

sociologists who focuses on conflict. He sees the

conflict in society from a functional point of view.

He stated that conflicts might have not only a

negative impact on society but also a positive one.

They are one manner of interaction in society, and

their presence needs to be questioned. Coser

explains that disputes or conflicts can occur between

individuals, groups, or individuals and groups.

Conflicts between groups always exist because they

live together and interact with each other. Coser also

insists that we should not assume that conflict is

always wrong and necessarily divides or damages a

community. Instead, it could serve to preserve a

group by strengthening relationships between its

members. Just as facing a common enemy can

stimulate solidarity and engagement amongst people

and make them forget their internal disputes (Coser

1973). A conflict that occurs in the context of social

change also has various functions, in order to

understand these functions, one can begin by

looking at the context of the social system in which

it is found, especially about its strengths and

institutional conflicts. Thus, the consequences of

conflict do not lead to a decline, but rather an

increase, in adaptation and adjustment to both social

relations and the whole social group.

3 KELENTENG (CHINESE

TEMPLE) AND VIHARA

(MONASTERY)

3.1 Kelenteng

The original names for Chinese temples are

numerous and well-known in Chinese society, such

as Bio, Kiong, Tong, Ting, Si, and others. However,

the name that is most popular amongst the

community is kelenteng. Some people suspect that

this name was derived from the Chinese term "Kwan

Iem Teng," which means a small building used to

worship the goddess Kwan Iem. Indonesian people

knew kelenteng before the term "Kwan Iem Teng"

was (Moerthiko, 1980). It means that the word

“kelenteng” is originally from Indonesia and not

from China. According to Haksu Ong, it comes from

the term “Kaw Lao Teng” belongs to the Hokkien

language; kaw is a religion, Lao is a person and

Teng is a place. Kelenteng is not believed to refer to

the sound of the bells (lonceng) that are hung inside

of the kelenteng (temples) (interview, 07 June 2018).

Furthermore, In the New Order, the name of Chinese

temples was changed to the Buddhist term for the

monastery, vihara. Despite this, Buddhists,

Confucians, and Taoists all continued to pray in

them.

Today many people cannot distinguish between

kelenteng (Chinese temple) and Vihara (Buddhist

temple). There are some Indonesians who mention

kelenteng with vihara (monastery) name, because on

the nameplate of the kelenteng is written the name of

vihara. During the 32 years of the New Order in

power, the name of the kelenteng was changed to a

vihara. However, those who pray in the kelenteng

are still Chinese. Temple is a place for worshiping

gods, souls, and god done by Indonesian Chinese,

especially those who embrace Buddhism, Taoism

and Confucianism. Outside the temple (usually on

the front of the kelenteng), there is an altar for

praying God. In front of the entrance of the

kelenteng there are two lion statues. There is also a

statue of a dragon on top of a kelenteng roof. At the

door of the kelenteng there were two pictures of the

door god (hun shen). Inside the temple there are

several rooms, a prayer room and a multipurpose

room. Some kelenteng in Indonesia are also have a

kitchen room. Inside the kelenteng there are various

types of god statues. Each statue symbolizes one

gods, among them: sky gods, earth gods, fortune

gods, and so on. The gods in the kelenteng consist of

Taoist gods, Confucius, and Buddhist. Each statue

has a table or altar used to put statues and various

pray equipments, such as paper money, places for

hio (hiolo), hio, candles red, oil, food, drinks,

bamboo chiamsi (for fortune telling) and two

syncages or sin kaw (for fortune telling), and others.

There are two types of kelenteng in Indonesia,

namely the Tridharma kelenteng and non-Tridharma

kelenteng.

Tridharama kelenteng is a kelenteng for

worshiping Tridharma adherents. In it there are

main statues such as a statue of Buddha Gautama

(Founder of Buddhism), Lao tse (Founder of

Buddhist and Confucian Relations in Indonesia: Conﬂict over the Ownership, Name and Function of Chinese Temples (Kelenteng)

1685

Taoism) and a Confucius (Founder of Confucian

Religion). Whereas kelentengs that do not belong to

Tridharma, there are no statue of Sidharta Gautama

(Buddha), Lao Tze and Confucius putted in it.

Architects of many kelenteng buildings in Indonesia

come from China and from the past until now the

color of the kelentengs have not changed and them is

always painted with red color. In Chinese culture,

red color symbolizes courage and fortune. Every

kelentengs have a statue of the main gods that is the

center of Chinese worship. For example Kelenteng

Kwan Im (goddess of love), especially for women.

For this kelenteng, The main center of worship in the

temple is a Kwan Im goddess. The altar as a place

for putting her statue and pray equipment putted at

main room of the kelenteng. The place of worship

and the room for worshiping the Kwan Im Goddess

is also greater than the other one and the space of

other gods. While the statues of other gods are only

as a complement in the kelenteng and every it of the

complementary gods are also different. The main

gods in the kelenteng has a date of birth and every

year the main Gods in the temple is commemorated

on his birthday with various rituals.

On the pray altar, there are hio (incense stick)

hiolo (place of hio), two pairs of red candles which

always turned on, chiamsi (tool of fortune telling)

bamboo and two sincau (for tool for fortune telling),

a statue of the goddess Kwan Im, Lao-tze,

Confucius, Buddhists, Kwankong (gods war), earth

gods, gods of sustenance and others they worshiped,

small drum to summon gods and at the same time

notice used people who will perform prayers or

worship. At the kelenteng yard there is a place for

burning paper money (duplicate money) or sintin or

siukim and an altar or a place for worshiping God,

often just in the form of some hios and hiolo (hio

place).

The non-Tridharma kelenteng is not much

different from the Tridharma kelenteng. In the non-

Tridharma kelenteng there were no statues of Lao-

tze, Confucius, and Buddha to be worshiped, while

statues of other gods were provided in the kelenteng

to be worshiped by those who came to pray. People

who come to kelenteng consist of various religions,

for example Taoists (in their identity cards written

outside the Tao religion or Taoism), Confucians and

Buddhists and sometime there are also Christians

who have belief to kelenteng gods. If the kelenteng

has relationship with Islamic history or Cheng Ho's

(Chinese Muslims who came to Indonesia in the

15th century) arrival, then some Muslims also came

to visit the temple and conducted ritual according to

their belief. There are several temples in Indonesia

that have relationship with Islamic history: (1) the

Sam Po Kong kelenteng in Semarang, Central Java,

and the Ancol kelenteng in North Jakarta (Tanggok,

2015). Ancol temple not only had relationship with

Cheng Ho arrival, but also with the Cheng Ho’s

helmsman (Tanggok, 2015). At the Ancol kelenteng,

he also be respected by some Muslim and non

Muslim Chinese. The Ancol kelenteng also be

considered as Tridharma kelenteng, because it has

Gautama Buddha, Lao Tze and Confucius statues. In

this kelenteng, there is no conflict between

Buddhists and Confucians.

There are kelentengs in Indonesia that are jointly

owned, because they are built by Chinese people

together, some belong to one clan and some are

privately owned. In the city of Singkawang, West

Kalimantan, temples belong to clan members and

family members are generally called pekong,

because its shape is smaller than the joint-owned

temple. Pekong belong to family member can be

divided into two groups, namely pekong which is

placed in the house as a protector of family members

from the influence of evil spirits and pekong placed

in the ancestor grave, as a place of protector gods for

the dead spirits who are in the grave from the

disturbance of evil spirits. The gods guarding this

grave is called Tuapekong. Tuapekong's main task is

to keep the spirits in the grave from disturbing evil

spirits. Based on the Chinese belief, if the spirits of

the dead in the grave are disturbed by evil spirits,

then their lives in the other world become uneasy,

and consequently the lives of family members in the

world also suffer. For examples of the suffering of

family members in the world, family members often

get sick and their business ventures do not work

well. In return for the kindness given by Tuapekong,

every family members who will perform a prayer or

ancestor worship ceremony in the grave, for

example, perform prayers during Ceng Beng (pray at

the ancestral grave), first they have to offering food,

drinks, fruits, and worshiping the Tuapekong gods as

a sign of asking permission to him (Tuapekong) to

pray to their ancestors. Based on the Chinese belief,

if worship of Tuapekong is not carried out, then he

will be angry and he does not want to carry out his

duties as a grave guard (Tanggok, 2005:).

Marga’s (clan) kelenteng are usually built by

people who have the same clan and people of

different clans are not allowed to pray in it. For

example keleteng for Lim, Bong, Fui, Li, Kim, Tan

clans and others. They assume that people with one

clan still have the same ancestor and are still

considered one family. Based on Chinese culture,

people who are originated from same clan cannot

marry, and if they do it, they life and their family

members are not good. Whereas public’s kelenteng

are kelenteng built are not based on same clans but

all clans.

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3.2 The Function of Kelenteng

Based on the author's observations, there are four

functions of the temple: First, as a place for Chinese

people meeting, praying for worshiping kelenteng

gods and etc. They conduct praying Every day,

every 1th, 15th and every Chinese New Year

according to Chinese Calendar and the great days of

Chinese people. Secondly, as a place for Chinese

people from various ethnic groups to meet and

conduct social activities. Third, as a place of refuge

or residence for the gods kelenteng of the rain, cold

and heat. According to Chinese beliefs, the gods are

like humans, they can feel hungry, thirsty, hot, and

cold and they also need place to refuge. Fourth, as a

protector for community members around kelenteng

from the influence of evil spirits or other influences.

Because, in the kelenteng there are gods who can

protect society and resist the influence of evil spirits

who have the intention to disturb humans.

3.3 Monastery (Vihara)

One of the religions in Indonesia is Buddhism. The

Buddhist tradition comes from the teachings of

Siddharta Gautama, later became known as the

Buddha ("the enlightened one") who was born

around 560 B.C.E. (Calkowski in Scupin, 2000).

Buddhism as a religion also has a place of worship

named Vihara and like other religions in Indonesia.

Buddhist pray places are monasteries (vihara).

Usually monasteries are not only places of worship

but also as a place for monks and nuns to live and

meditation. There are two types of monasteries,

there are monasteries with small buildings and large

ones. Monasteries with small buildings are called

cetiya, while monasteries with large buildings are

called vihara. Based on the Ministry of Religious

Affairs Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia,

number H III / BA.01.1/ 03/1/1992, Chapter II, it is

said that the monastery is a public place for

Buddhists to carry out all kinds of religious

ceremonies or services according to Buddhist

beliefs. Besides vihara and cetiya, there are also

Buddhist Biaras. Buddhist’s Biara are houses of

Buddhist monks and nuns who want to keep their

lives away from worldly influences. In Bhiara they

only meditate, read Buddhist scriptures and pray.

The location of Buddhist Bhiaras are usually far

from the city crowd, so they can calmly concentrate.

The shape of the Biara building is not the same from

one area to another and it has a local pattern. In it

there is only one statue, which is the Gautama

Buddha’s statue.

The form of worship in the vihara can be done

individually and together. Generally prayers at the

monastery (vihara) are carried out together and led

by Buddhist priests (Monks or Nuns). After

performing the ritual, there are lectures from Monks

or Nuns (Buddhist priest) to them performed ritual.

If the prayer at vihara done individually, and not

together, and there are no lectures from the

Buddhists priest. The function of the monastery

(vihara) is not just a place for prayer, but also as a

place for teaching Buddhism by Buddhist priests.

Generally the Chinese kelenteng (Chinese temple) is

painted with red color and the vihara is painted with

yellow color. If the kelenteng there is a altar for

putting pray equipments, then in vihara also has an

altar for putting pray equipments and the Sakyamuni

Buddha’s statue. Sakyamuni Buddha is a Buddha

Gautama (566-486 B.C.E.). In the inside of vihara,

there is no a Bodhisattvas’ statue (the Bodhisattva is

a candidate of Buddha or someone who has gained

complete enlightenment).Worshiping in the

kelenteng by using hio (incense sticks) and

otherwise worship at the temple does not use hio.

Each monastery has a Buddhist priest (monk or nun)

assigned by the Representative of the Indonesian

Buddhists (WALUBI), as a priest at the vihara. His

job for teaching Buddha teachings to pray ceremony

participants. He or She can also provide religious

consultations for Buddhists in need. If the kelenteng

can be owned by an individual, but the vihara

cannot be owned by an individual, and it is owned

by the Buddhist community together.

4 CONFLICT OVER

KELENTENG

Some areas in Indonesia have experienced conflicts

regarding Chinese temples that have not been

resolved by the government. Each region is seeking

a way of solving their problem without waiting for

the implementation of government regulations.

Many of these conflicts occurred between

Confucians and Buddhists during the 32-year of

Suharto's rule when the two religious groups, as well

as Taoists, could worship in the same place, known

as the Tridharma Temple (Kelenteng Tridharma).

However, Confucians have wanted to change the

New Order appellation vihara for Chinese temples

back to kelenteng and transfer the supervision of the

temple from the authority of MTI to that of MAKIN.

Since Confucianism has gained state recognition as

an official religion during the Reformation period

and the Confucian Community Guidance and

Confucian Religious Service Center at the federal

Ministry of Religion as well as its place of worship

called Li Thang were established. Confucians

Buddhist and Confucian Relations in Indonesia: Conﬂict over the Ownership, Name and Function of Chinese Temples (Kelenteng)

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believe that Chinese temples were initially places of

worship for Chinese people adhering to traditional

Chinese religion. Therefore, the name kelenteng for

Chinese temples must be restored. For the Chinese

temples dominated by Buddhist monks, the process

of restoring the name kelenteng has been difficult;

on the contrary, for those dominated by Confucians,

it has been smooth.

Even though the name of Chinese temples has

been written on the outside of them as vihara, most

Indonesians still refer to them as kelenteng as if they

are not concerned about the official name change

that occurred during the New Order. It means that

the name kelenteng has become a part of Indonesian

culture and is difficult to erase from the minds of

Indonesian people.

Confucian established MAKIN in every province

and district throughout Indonesia after earning state

recognition as an official religion in the Reformation

period. All Chinese temples that changed their name

to vihara from kelenteng took up membership in the

Tri Dharma Indonesia (TDI) and Walubi (Buddhist

Religion Organization) associations during the New

Order. Nevertheless, after the establishment of

MAKIN in every region of Indonesia, one by one

Chinese temple withdrew its membership with TDI

and registered with MAKIN. This move has troubled

TDI and caused a weak relationship between the

association and MAKIN. While MAKIN has been

bolstered by the high number of Chinese temples

joining it, TDI is disappointed because these temples

have abandoned their organization.

This shift in membership is what occurred in

Pemangkat sub-district, Sambas district, West

Kalimantan in 2013. Along with the formation of

MAKIN in the area, each of vihara that was

previously a kelenteng withdrew from GTI

membership. By 2014, ninety-seven Chinese

temples, both large and small ones, joined with

MAKIN Pemangkat. A total of ninety-seven Chinese

temples were formerly (during the 32 years of the

New Order) under GTI stewardship. This situation

has made GTI uncomfortable and triggered conflict

between GTI and MAKIN. In order to prevent this

transfer of membership from continuing, GTI filed a

report about it to the Chinese Cultural Traditions

Council (MABT), accusing MAKIN of forcibly

transferring the membership of the Tri Dharma

temples to that of their organization (Muchtar,

2014). Learning of GTI’s formal complaint, MAKIN

asked the district government of Pemangkat to solve

the problem. MAKIN also feels offended by the

statement of one of the Tri Dharma members who

said that he does not consider Confucianism to be a

religion (Muchtar, 2014).

Another dispute occurred between Tri Dharma

and Confucians in Cong Pak Kung Temple. This

temple was erected dozens of years ago, and the

deed incorporation was issued to it by Singkawang

Notary in 2003. In 2005, the temple registered with

MAKIN, and a year later, a conflict arose with Tri

Dharma who considered the temple to belong to

their association. Pemangkat district officials could

settle the dispute due to clear documented evidence

held by the old committee and its stewardship under

MAKIN (Muchtar, 2014). Although the issue was

thus legally resolved, the hostility between the

members of the two groups remains to this day.

MAKIN demands nothing but to change the name of

the temple from vihara to kelenteng and to have had

its membership transferred from GTI to MAKIN.

What MAKIN wants is in line with Dahrendorf's

(1967) theory that any conflict is seeking a change.

Another conflict is between Tridharma Po An

Thian Temple Foundation and MAKIN Pekalongan.

Tridharma holds that Po An Thian Temple belongs

to their foundation, while MAKIN insists that it is

their property since Confucian has used it as a place

of worship since 1968. Tridharma wanted to take

over the temple that has been there since 1968,

controlled by MAKIN. Because the deliberations

could not be resolved, Tridharma attempted to sue

MAKIN at the Supreme Court, but it lost the case.

Since the Supreme Court decree on August 29,

2014, Po An Thian Temple belongs to the Confucian

people or MAKIN organization in Pekalongan,

central Java-Indonesia.

Finally, a conflict between Buddhists and

Confucians also occurred in Thian Gie Kiong

Samarinda in East Kalimantan and Kong Co Bio

Tabanan in 2011. While during the New Order

period Confucians could pray together with

Buddhists in both temples, however, since

Confucianism was granted state recognition as an

official religion in 2011, Confucians are no longer

allowed by Buddhists to pray in the temple because

they have their temples known as Li Thang.

According to Haksu Ong (interview, June 7, 2018),

Li Thang was established during the New Order

period because the Indonesian government had

forbidden the reparation and erection of new temples

as places of worship for Confucians. To repair the

old Confucian temples and preserve them as

Confucian places of worship, the Buddhist Chinese

were forced to call them vihara.

Uung Sendana, general chairman of MATAKIN

(Majelis Tinggi Agama Konghucu Indonesia

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/Supreme Council for the Confucian Religion in

Indonesia), has explained that: 1) MATAKIN does

not want to control the assets of the temples; 2) The

temples must be given their original name

(kelenteng) and have all their previous functions as

kelenteng restored; 3) The construction of Confucian

temples might be done by MATAKIN and not by

Buddhist monks and nuns; 4) Confucians can

exercise or receive their civil rights services in

accordance with their religion, including education,

marriage registration, and others; 5) There is no

confusion over religions in the temples (Interview

with Uung, 05 June 2018). Buddhists did not

approve these five points since the number of

Buddhist vihara throughout Indonesia would be

reduced, and the number of their worshippers would

decrease. Haksu Ong (interview, June 7, 2018)

believes that the conflict between Buddhists and

Confucians over the Chinese temples cannot be

resolved without government interference.

According to him, the government has thus far not

done much to settle it. Ong explains that if

Buddhists run the administration of a vihara that

used to be called a kelenteng, the temple remains as

vihara and it is difficult to change it into a kelenteng.

Conversely, if Confucians manage a vihara that was

once a kelenteng, then there is a possibility that the

temple’s name will revert to kelenteng.

After the policy of the New Order changed the

name of the kelenteng (Chinese temples) to vihara,

the policy of the Reformation era government must

restore the name of vihara for Buddhist worship

places to be kelenteng for the Chinese temples. It is

difficult to foresee and to end to the conflict between

these two religious groups without the government

policy intervention.

5 CONCLUSIONS

The findings that have been presented conclude that:

First, The change of name of Chinese temples from

kelenteng to vihara was firmly related to New Order

politics that sought to mix Indonesians of Chinese

descent with indigenous Indonesians. Second,

Buddhist and Confucian conflicts over Chinese

temples were triggered by the recognition in the

Reformation era of the existence and validity of

Confucianism in Indonesia. Third, The prohibition

of the New Order on the establishment of new

kelenteng, the requirement to rename kelenteng as

vihara, and the establishment of new kelenteng with

the name vihara have all benefited Buddhism by

increasing the number of their places of worship and

the number of their followers. Fourth, Confucians

are aware that Chinese temples (kelenteng) are

places of worship for Confucians and not for

Buddhists, thus, demand that the name of Chinese

temples be changed to kelenteng. Fifth, Confucians

do not propose that the Chinese temples (kelenteng)

belong to them, but only hope that they are still

allowed to do praying in kelenteng. Because there

are several Chinese temples (kelenteng) in

Indonesia, some Confucians are not allowed to

worship in them anymore but rather only in Li

Thang (special places of worship for Confucians).

Finally, until now the Indonesian government has

not found a way how to resolve the conflict between

the Confucians and Buddhists about the kelenteng.

The efforts made by the Indonesian government,

especially the Ministry of Religious Affairs of the

Republic of Indonesia in resolving conflicts between

Buddhists and Confucians about the Chinese

temples, namely by inviting these two religious

groups to Focus Group Discussion to dialogue about

this temple conflict was also unsuccessful. In this

Focus Group Discussion each of the two religious

groups maintained their opinions and there was no

settlement.

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