Collective Memory as Tool of Identity Assimilation:

Case Study - Glodok, Jakarta

Kasyfiyullah

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Keywords: Ethnicity, Identity, Chinese ethnic, Collective memory

Abstract: Identity issues become one of the political campaign tools especially to the ethnic issue of Chinese

descendants that goes along with religious issue in the process of local leader election in Jakarta. In this

paper, the study examines the process of identity assimilation that occurred in the Glodok area as an effort

to anticipate the possible conflicts between local Muslims as the majority in the majority area of ethnic

Chinese. The case study employs symbolic interactionist paradigm as the theoretical framework. The result

is that the process of identity accommodation and assimilation occurring in Glodok is primarily based on

collective memory and shared experience. The awareness of the resident that Glodok as familiar territory

needs to be preserved, furthermore, the identity as a part of Glodok society becomes an alternative identity

to overcome the diversity that occurred in Glodok. The awareness of this alternative identity affects the

process of assimilation while forming shared experience.

1 INTRODUCTION

Ethnic-based politic has a long story in Indonesia.

Since the Dutch colonization era, Ethnicity has been

used as the state ideology especially toward Chinese

ethnic that divide into other with ethnic

consciousness through social stratification and by

encouraging the development of ethnic-based parties

(L. Suryadinata, 2011). Even though in New-Order

era of Indonesia ethnic-based parties were banned,

however, ethnic-based politic shifted to

“Indonesianisasi” (to make something or someone

to become Indonesian) the minority,especially

toward Chinese ethnic. Suharto depoliticized the

Chinese ethnic by restricting their activity to

economic-field. In the fall of Suharto, Chinese-

Indonesian becamethevictim of the conflict. Their

shop was ransacked, looted, and burned down; many

were attacked; and numerous ethnic Chinese women

tortured, raped, and killed (L. Suryadinata, 2011).

Glodok area in Jakarta was one of the Chinese ethnic

areas that affected by the chaos.

Nowadays in the post-reform era, Issue of ethnic

identity is still becoming one of the socio-political

issues in Jakarta. One of the closest is the ethnicity

issue that promotes to be campaign material for the

local leader election of Jakarta. Ethnic identity and

religious is the most common issue happened in the

elections process. The issue of ethnic identity is

widely heard as one of the socio-political issues in

Jakarta lately. One of the closest is the ethnics issue

that is used as campaign material for the Jakarta

regional head election. Ethnic and religious identity

is the most common issue in Jakarta regional head

elections process. Indigenous ethnic and Chinese

ethnic issues are part of the political campaign that

has been going on.

It is an exciting topic to discuss the contestation

of ethnic identity in Jakarta. Glodok becomes an

area known as a region with a majority of ethnic

Chinese descent, and non-Chinese became a

minority in the Glodok environment. Unlike in other

cities like Semarang which has Chinatown, Glodok

can be the Chinatown in Jakarta. The existence of

Chinese descendants in Jakarta has passed a long

history. Onghokham writes that the presence of

ethnic Chinese community has started from the

colonial period where J.P. Coen at the time captured

several hundred Chinese and took him to Batavia

which was just built at that moment (Onghokham,

1983). Currently, ethnic majority in Indonesia are

indigenous and Muslim, while the outside of these

two identities is considered to be a minority.

Historically, there was the assimilation of identity

from ethnic Chinese towards ethnic majority until

the term of crossbreed came into existence. The

Chinese community in Indonesia is slowly following

the majority life until the term "Cina Cukur"

Kasyﬁyullah, .

Collective Memory as Tool of Identity Assimilation: Case Study - Glodok, Jakarta.

DOI: 10.5220/0009933316511658

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 1651-1658

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

1651

emerged (Onghokham, 1983). So what if the

opposite happens? Indigenous Muslims who are

considered the majority become a minority in the

Glodok area.

Glodok is one of the areas in Jakarta that is part

of the "Old City". Since the reign of the Dutch East

Indies, this area is also known as the largest

Chinatown in Batavia. The majority of Glodok

residents are of Chinese descent. Today Glodok is

known as one of the electronic sales centers in

Jakarta, Indonesia. Administratively, this area is a

sub-district included in the Taman Sari sub-district,

West Jakarta.

In "Hikayat Jakarta" (1998) by Willard Hanna in

Tionghoa dalam pusaran kekuasaan (Setiono,

2008), the governor-general of the VOC who ruled

until 1929, Jan Pieterszoon Coen, believed that

Chinese people were "... a resilient nation, diligent

and likes to work ... There is no energy that is more

suitable for our purposes or that can be mobilized

equally easily than the Chinese. "So, no wonder

many Chinese communities then lived around the

south of the Dutch fortress (now the Old City of

Jakarta). the Chinese had lived in Glodok in the mid-

17th century based on the conclusions of Heuken

referring to the Chronicle of Kai-ba-li-dai shij

(Chinese Chronicle in Batavia) compiled in the 18th

century, saying, "Around 1650, Chinese Lieutenant

Guo Xun Guan established a temple to honor the

Guan-Yin in the Glodok area (Heuken, 1997).

"After Baron van Imhoff became Governor

General in Batavia, ethnic Chinese were

concentrated in one place outside the Citadel of the

city which is now called Glodok," wrote Hembing

Wijayakusuma in Pembantaian massal, 1740:

tragedi berdarah Angke. the cause the rebellion

known as Geger Pacinan. The chinese fought the

colonial government in 1740. There are around

20,000 Chinese who are victims. Even because of

the incident, the river flow that was not far from the

Glodok area turned into a blood red color. As a

result of this incident, to facilitate the detainees

against Chinese ethnicity, since then the Dutch East

Indies Government issued a regulation called

Wijkenstelsel, in which the Chinese ethnicity is only

allowed to stay in the Glodok area and prohibited

from living inside the city walls. But precisely

because of this regulation the business life in the

Glodok area is growing rapidly. At Glodok, they

make buildings stronger than before. This area then

has a crowded market, and the port is not too far

from Glodok (Wijayakusuma, 2005).

There are four temples that are 300 years old and

still stand firm, like the economic strength of the

Chinese in Indonesia. Dozens of sinshe have opened

down and practice and countless traders of Chinese

medicine are sold freely at kiosk shops, and

shopping centers. Statistical data shows that the

population composition of Glodok is around 82

percent of the 12 thousand residents in their urban

areas of Chinese descent. So, the non-chinese is

much smaller than the chinese in Glodok and

become the minority.

This paper shows the relationships of ethnic in

the Glodok area, especially in the Petak Sembilan

area and how each ethnic group relates to each other

without losing their respective identities, using

symbolic interactionist paradigm as the theoretical

framework and qualitative fieldwork research as the

method of the field observation and in-depth

interview. Furthermore, this study presents the

process of identifying each other as individual and

groups that each of them is different without

harming the harmony or causing the conflict

especially,the emergence of prejudices against

ethnic Chinese by those who identify themselves as

part of the indigenous majority.

2 LITERATURE REVIEW:

IDENTITY ASSIMILATION

Identity is a must. Every individual in this world has

unique identity based on their unique personality

trait. An it’s a nature to human to construct their

own uniqueness whenever they interact with other in

social life. This uniqueness was the identity of each

individual and has their social aspect as the identity

show up in coexistence with other individual.

Current studies shows that ethnicity refers to the

identification of a group based on a perceived

cultural distinctiveness that makes the group into a

group of “people”. And this identification make us

to admit that we live in diversity of identities and

ethnics.

Mohd Yusof Bakar (Bakar, 2013) wrote that in

this ethnic diversity can lead to identity conflict. So,

to avoid the conflict and preserve pace. A country

choose their collective identity like Indonesia with

Indonesia Raya or Malaysia with 1Malaysia

Concept. The two country mentioned was the

country with multi-ethnic identity that live

coexistence and assimilating the various ethnic to

one national identity. His study was discuss about

the assimilation process and the discourse of the

needs of assimilation or preserve local identities.

Assimilation describe with the term ‘melting pot’

as the popular concept beside pluralism and

multiculturalism. But the popular audience prefers to

identify assimilation as a process of melting pot,

where all identities and cultures blends together as

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1652

another unique identity. thereafter the process of

assimilation that happens in nation like Indonesia,

Malaysia, and Thailand as “that process of

adjustment or accomodation which occurs between

the members of two (or more) different races, if their

contact is prolonged and if the necessary psychic

conditions are present” with the result being “group

homogeinity to a greater less degree” just as stated

by Sarah Simon. Furthermore Bakar wrote that he

agreed with the concept Peter Kivisto (2004) that

assimilation boiled down to finding ways to live

cooperatively, playing by common rules that define

the parameters of intergroup conflict. It entailed the

creation of a shared national identity, which of

necessity required certain commonalities, such as

shared language and core cultural values. However,

it also permitted the persistence of ethnic identities

and affiliations. Assimilation was thus not construed

as antithethical to amulticultural society; it did not

require cultural homogeneity.

This paper agreed with he view about

assimilation as attempt to find a way of living

together but Bakar not clearly explain the process an

tools to make assimilation happens.

In the study of Peter swift about Kuy people of

Cambodia that different from Khmer as majority of

Cambodian and assimilate to khmer identity. Swift

wrote that Kuy people has extremely similar with

khmer in term of ohysical appearance and material

culture but differently in languange. The

assimilation that happen in Cambodia was like

shifting identities as Kuy or as Khmer. It happens

because the stigmatization of Kuy identities and

trend to be Khmer (Swift, 2013).

As the process of assimilation, Cambodian Kuy

shifting their identitiy as Khmer and speak as khmer

in Khmer language. Swift argued that languange loss

was the important aspect of the assimilation process

of Cambodian Kuy to be a Khmer. In other word,

the process assimilation that happen in Cambodia is

a melting process. Not like melting pot concept that

tend to make a new identity, in this study,

Cambodian Kuy melt in Khmer identity an lost the

only differentiator of Kuy to Khmer that was

language. With the similiarity of physical

appearance of Cambodian Kuy and Cambodian

Khmer and similiarity in languange, The

coexistence identity become one as Khmer.

In another study about identity assimilation, Yuki

Ooi discussing about chinese migrant in Chicago.

Ooi argued that chinese’s migrant in Chicago

maintain their ties to their original country not

because the failure of assimilating in the current

country. But doing the assimilation with chinese

identity consiousness and build an ethnic

organization Chinese Equal Rights League in 1892.

The process of identity assimilation attempt

together with transnationalism. They are chinese in

one side and american in other side, or in other word

they construct chinese-american as an new identity

without loosing their ties with their origin country.

This chinese american was chinese who life and

behave as an american. It defined assimilation by

referring to activities such as cutting off queues,

wearing Western clothes, speaking English, making

the United States one’s permanent home, and

refraining from smoking opium, prostitution, and

gambling (Ooi, 2008).

Ooi study was discuss how assimilation with the

melting pot concept happen. With chinese-american

rising as a new identity for chinese migrant. This

identity also overcome clan identity.

Ajrouch and Jamal have study about identity of

arabic-americans. Unlike chinese-american that take

american lifestyle as process of assimilation, arab-

american carefully chose the aspect of white identity

to adopt for their life.

“Our findings illustrate that a white racial

identity is negotiable based on a variety of ethnic

traits, helping us to better understand the process

of assimilation. Whereas immigrants are ascribed

an ethnic or racial identity at their arrival, the fact

is that they actively restructure or reconstruct

these identities to suit their particular national

and religious profile as well as their everyday

needs” (Ajrouch & Jamal, 2007).

Deniz N. Duru (2016) studied about coexistence

of identities and collective memory in Turkey. The

study was held ind Burgaz, Turkey with

antropological point of view and partisipative

research as the method.

“I chose Burgaz as my fieldwork site because of

its diverse population and because it was one of

the rare places where people collectively resisted

the 1955 riots, one of the most signifi cant events

of Republican Turkish history in that it resulted

in a mass migration of remaining Greek

Orthodox from Istanbul, primarily to Greece. I

aimed to understand the diversity that still exists

in Burgaz, and how persons who consider

themselves “Burgazlı” understand that diversity”

(Duru, 2016).

Duru argued that The Lausanne Treaty of 1923

provided the framework for this coexistence/

toleration in turkey include Burgaz as well. But as

logical consequence of coexistence/toleration led to

homogenization processes: the construction of ethnic

and national differences led to violence; forced

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1653

migrations; oppression towards “minorities;

conflicts over territory, shared space, and borders;

and changed demographics of the region.

Duru’s approach to “conviviality,” on the other

hand, highlighted the cohesions and tensions that

emerge from shared lifestyles and class difference,

and how these tensions are managed in daily life and

create a sense of place and belonging. This

conviviality constructed in shared memory of people

of Burgaz as part of their daily life. In 1955 riot,

Burgaz islanders collectively resisted the riots and

protected their island from being invaded by

outsiders. The shared memories of daily life and

conviviality had created such a strong Burgaz

identity that it overcame ethnic and religious

identities in times of crisis. The discursive effect of

these memories is a type of “Burgaz ideology,” a

sense of belonging to Burgaz that is also infused

with a moral discourse about how a “real” Burgazlı

should behave, both in everyday life and in times of

crisis (Duru, 2016).

In Duru’s Study of Burgaz, shared memory

become one of most important aspect of identity

assimilation. Conviviality become the core of

memories that shared and construct the solidarity

that rise over the differences in Burgaz and this

construction of memories highlighted in shared

lifestyle that happens in Burgaz daily life. The

difference between what happened in Burgaz and

Glodok is that highlighted shared lifestyle.

Contrasting for Burgaz, in Glodok, social interaction

tend to be rational relation. Glodok as one of

economic activities center in Jakarta tend to

construct rational and economical relation in social

daily life.

3 IDENTITY, RACE, AND

ETHNICITY: THE PROCESS

OF IDENTIFICATION

Identity has been an important issue in everyday life,

for example,an identity that social interactions in

daily life such as nicknames, addresses, religions,

tribes and other personal identities. The example

shows that identity is the aspect to interrelate

individuals in the social world. Then, the further

question arises, does identity exist as an individual

differentiator? The answer may not be as simple as

the question, but it is just the process of identifying

an individual as part of the social community. The

process occurs in the classification and individual

association to a particular social community, the

differences, and the similarities make up the

individual identity.

“Identity, whether personal or collective, is about

staying (partially) the same in the context of others.

Thus, identity is always related to difference and

demarcation. In both personal as well as collective

identity dynamics, both inclusion and exclusion,

and often also discrimination, are principally

implied. Ethnicity is an aspect or variant of

collective identity” (Antweiler, 2015).

The mentioned identity is one of the basic

identities in the process of becoming. Thus, Jenkins

stated that identity could only be understood as a

process of identification (R. Jenkins, 2008). So,

identity is an entity of the continualprocess, the

system of formation and self-meaning of the

individual to his interaction with other individuals.

This process occurs openly and continuously to both

the social world of distinction and self-affirmation as

well as individual associations with the social world.

What about race and ethnicity? Some of the

debates about these two concepts are in either a

deterministic or innate identity position. A, as a

Chinese descent determined by blood or genetic

links as well as other individuals such as B who

were born from native parents. Does an identity

form in the process of social interaction? The

deterministic concept seems to lead to an answer

that race and ethnicity as fixed identities whereas

one's race and ethnicity also undergo the process of

negotiation. This paper concludes that identity is an

identification process, so the implications for racial

and ethnic become a concept and also a process of

being. It is undeniable that innate identity also

affects the process of self-identification. In its

interaction, the individual continues to experience

the process of negotiating to the identity that has

been built. Social context, such as social, political,

and economic conditions, influences negotiations on

racial and ethnic identification processes. The racial

and national symbol can take on specific forms

within a particular spatial and historical context

(Solomos & Back, 1995). In the same argument,

Karner also explained that While 'race' is primarily

associated with physical characteristics, it is now

widely acknowledged that 'races' are social

constructs rather than biological givens; the choices

of physical markers are assumed to be racial

characteristics and historically and culturally

variables (C. Karner, 2007).

The concept of identity, race, and ethnicity at this

stage moves into identification, radicalization, and

racialism. Social context influences and affects these

three concepts as an open process. The three

concepts also impact the social behavior associated

with it. The process includes negotiation with the

social context that occurs, for instance, when people

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interact with other people, they need to know about

each otherto make the conversation running, just like

a student will act with gender, race, or religion.

Therefore, identity as the whole concept connects

the act and behavior of peoples in social interaction.

Ethnicity tend to known as a form of cultural

identity. That isThat is, culture provides the content

and meaning of ethnicity, such as a shared history,

ideology, shared symbols, and system of meaning.

At the same time, ethnicity is also understood as a

political identity that, in some cases, may be coupled

with ethnic nationalism or conflict (Yuan, 2015).

Banton wrote that ethnic was an adjective as

improvement of the uses of term ‘race’. It was a

practical classification to identifying a distinctive

people with a common culture evident in their

shared history, language and other characteristics

(Banton, 2018).

4 ETHNICITY IN SYMBOLIC

INTERACTIONISM

Malesevic defines ethnicity as noncitizen who

inhabits 'our land' (S. Malesevic, 2004). so did

Giddens say that ethnicity is all about differentiating

a group from other. He said that ethnicity is an idea

that purely social in meaning. Ethnicity refers to the

cultural practices and outlooks of a given

community of people that set apart from the others

(A. Giddens, 2006). Also, the usual distortions that

occur were prejudice and discrimination. These two

social concepts become part of the exclusion of

certain groups by other groups, especially the

majority. This distinct ethnic identity receives

different treatment in social interaction. In the

context of this paper, what about indigenous

minorities in the Glodok against the majority of

Chinese ethnicity? As a note, the use of the word

ethnic itself is a form of exclusion to the identity of a

particular group.

According to Park and Burgess in Malesevic,

there are at least four stages that will occur in ethnic

interactions, contact/competition, conflict,

accommodation, and assimilation. The two stages

mentioned earlier describe the interaction.

Competition is considered to be a natural thing in

interaction. Awareness of the identity competition

occurs in this social interaction which brings the

interaction into the circle of conflict. When the

conflict determines the individual position within the

community, the conflict confirms that position in the

society. In this conflict comes to renegotiate the

position of each identity such as community

position, strength, and dominance respectively. As a

further process in addressing the conflicts and

accommodation occurs, restructuring social

hierarchy and renegotiation of power relationships

between identities continue in this process through

social interaction.

Furthermore, re-interpreting the meaning of

symbols or even re-symbolizing occurs in social

interaction. This process involves memory,

tendencies, sentiments, and individual behavior in

society that affects the identity of the interaction

process. At this stage, there is the assimilation of

identity between each other, each of it determines

the position of identity.

Throughout the process of identity interaction,

the individual interprets the experience of each of it

and bring it to the experience. Prejudice, tendency,

and suspicion of existing ethnicity become the media

of the negotiation process as well as a means of

putting dominance between one another. The

prejudices in the socialization process also influence

the interpretation of individuals involved in the main

of conflicts that exist.

5 ADDRESSING IDENTITY

CONFLICTS IN GLODOK

Petak Sembilan area in Glodok is a region with a

majority of Chinese ethnicity, so the indigenous

Muslim who is considered the majority in Indonesia

become a minority in that area. As the majority, the

social life in Glodok applies Chinese culture on a

daily basis. Indigenous peoples recognize that their

position in the area as a minority, therefore in the

process of socialization as minority communities

make conscious efforts to strengthen the

sustainability of life in the area, also, toanticipate

conflict among ethnic which are based in the

Glodok. Although an inherent identity conflict

persists, at least there are two prominent issues of

identity that are ethnic and religious.

The relation of these two issues, prejudices

against each other form a hegemony between one

another. For example, is the assumption that Chinese

ethnic as the ethnic who tend to be greedy and

stingy, especially in economic activities, and for the

Indigenous Muslims who are considered to be noisy,

especially in the process of worship. In this context,

there are contact and competition between identities

in the Glodok. Each group maintains the identity and

continues to socialize with each other.

The center of this conflict proceeds to the

process of socializing values and identity to each

other until they accommodate others. Some values

are raised as a unifying value in the essence of the

neighborhood, tolerance of existing differences and

common memory form, the basis of this assimilation

Collective Memory as Tool of Identity Assimilation: Case Study - Glodok, Jakarta

1655

process. Stets and Burke write that identity has a

procedure in the process of interaction of the identity

establishment (J.E Stets, P.J Burke, 2000).

According to Stets and Burke, the identity of the

individual is a system that consisting of multiple

identities, whether the identity that comes from

individual associations or their social community.

Self-identification (internal) activation procedure is

similar to a switch on and off the lights. Human will

choose to activate a particular identity in a social

situation consciously. It means that individual

identities tend to be constructed depending on the

context of the current situation. As the consequences

of identity activation, the identity that activated

affect the behavior of human. Identity is activated

relate to the situation but individu’s manners tied to

identity.

In the Glodok community, as an effort to

accommodate the identity conflict that occurred, the

individuals involved in social interaction bring an

appropriate identity with the social conditions. Some

of the identities raised at this stage of territorial

identity and as a neighborhood. Thus, it became the

concept of brotherhood (with basic neighborhood) as

residents of Glodok Petak Sembilan area. The

application of this identity is one form to influence

behavior and increase the effect of the social

environment. In other words, the process of

activation of identity occurs based on what they

need as an individualwho is facing the ongoing

social conditions.

Accommodation and assimilation in the Glodok

community are supported by collective memory as

well as interaction experience among individuals.

Collective memories are widely shared from

individual memories, or memories which initially

held a few individuals in a community. That is the

commonality of memories held by the members of a

society (W. Hitst, G. Echterhoff, 2008). Garagozov

adds that collective memory formed by the shared

stories of the past accepted by all members and

developed into something called “common sense”

that the majority has accepted (R. Garagozov, 2009).

In other concept, collective memories called by

social memory

social memory here designates all products that

result from the operation of transindividual

relations. I take the term transindividual from

Simondon, who saw all involvement with

technical objects ‒whether invention or use ‒as a

fundamental form of communication. The

‘technical object taken according to its essence,

that is to say the technical object as it is invented,

thought and wanted, assumed by a human

subject, becomes the support and the symbol of

the relation that we would like to call

transindividual (Hui, 2017).

One of the strongest memories affecting the

process of identity assimilation was defending the

Glodok area during the riots and looting in 1998, in

which ethnic Chinese became the most

disadvantaged group at that moment. Chinese ethnic

communities were the primarytarget, and Glodok as

one of the centers of ethnic Chinese economic

activity was also the target of the perpetrators.

According to some sources, although the Chinese

were victimized, all of the community of plot nine

Glodok especially Non-Tionghoa helped to protect

their area from the riots. Some of the problems

become the reason for the cooperation; similarities

of residence, territory, and colleagues in conducting

economic activities. The term that emerges is "we do

not want our homes ransacked by people."

Garagozov argue that traumatic experience and

stress accompanied by strong emotions leave the

deepest scars in the collective memory: eyewitnesses

tend to share their strong emotions with others (R.

Garagozov, 2009). So did the riot in 1998 that leave

traumatic and emotional memories to chinese in

Glodok as the victim. So, the help of the neighbor of

non-chinese did leave an strong memory as deep as

the trauma because related to the emotion. The

similairy of teritory as the rational reason for the

non-chinese to prevent the perpetrators go into their

teritory.

Just like Duru’s study in Burgaz. The similiarity

in teritory and the preventing of rencaking teritori

can become something called conviviality that

become shared memory.

Restructures system, values, and social identity

influenced the similarities in each category of

identities, such as residential similarity, economic

interests, and equal values in their respective beliefs,

resulting assimilation. Malesevic defining

assimilation as a process of inter-penetration and

fusion in which persons and groups acquire the

memories, sentiments, and attitudes of other persons

or groups, and, by sharing their experiences and

history, are incorporated with them in a shared

cultural life (S. Malesevic, 2004).

5 CONCLUSION: NATIONALISM

AS ALTERNATIVE

The process of assimilating identity becomes a

resolution to identify conflicts and prevents it.

Construct an alternative identity through the

equations contained in the identity of interacting.

The identification process works along the

interaction between individuals or groups.

Nationalism becomes the hybrid identity of

assimilation occurred between ethnic identities.

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1656

Different from the notion of nationalism in Andrain

and Apter's writings stated that nationalism is an

extension of ethnicity because nationalism has a

primordial identity (C.F. Andrain, D.E. Apter,

1995). Values, memories, and shared experiences

form a new interpretation of the social interactions

while forming a shared identity become part of the

process of identifying the individuals.

Nationalism is an identity that inherits from

previous ethnic identity. It does not mean that ethnic

identity is lost or gone into the same identity, but

nationalism becomes an alternative identity that can

be used in constant interaction. Back to the idea of

identity, that identity, race, ethnicity, or even

nationalism is the process. Thus, in the interaction of

individuals and groups, to prevent the conflict, we

need the construction of identity as a solution, for

instance, the interaction between ethnic Chinese and

indigenous in the Glodok area. Nationalism as

identity also have consequence that nationalisme

was process of identification and constructed with

social context. So the collective memory that

attached by emotion can be an aspect that activate

nationalism as identity. As Stets & Burkes argued

that identity consiously activated in some social

situation and affect the behavior of person that tied

to the identity. As part of social individu called

nation, individu will behave like the social identity

that activated.

Contrary from Duru’s argument that nationalism

led to homogenization and crystallization of ethnic

and religious identities, nationalism that constructed

by collective memories can be alternative identites

that overcome the differences in hetergenous society

and in Duru’s term can become ‘ideology’ that

coexist with multi-identities in any society and

strengthen solidarity.

Finally, Park and Burgess argue that ethnic

group solidarity can lose its grip over individual

migrants (S. Malesevic, 2004) in colonial times,

Chinese immigrants lived in Jakarta and slowly form

their life and their new social identities. Otherwise,

in Glodok, natives as subordinated identities

construct an identity as a form of fulfillment of the

social interaction processes.

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