Islam, Democracy, and Equality

A. Bakir Ihsan

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Keywords: Islam, democracy, equality, policies, public interest.

Abstract: The relationship between Islam and democracy, on the one hand, is considered compatible, while others call

it as a paradoxical relationship. Islam as a religion has a particular standard in placing social diversity. At

least, the existence of Islam as a religion positions itself "different" from other religions and thus demands

special treatment in state policy, as the democracy system places all religions equally. The proposed

procedural mechanism of democracy tends to create dominance that threatens the space of equality. This

article agrees on the compatibility of Islam and democracy but questioning to what extent is the tolerance

level when it comes to the implementation of equality in a democracy. This discussion is important because

if the limits of religious involvement in the public sphere are not clearly defined, there is a potential for the

majority to dominate the minority. There are rules and regulation which are dominated by the interests of

the Islamic teaching which gains rejection on its practical level. Even though the deliberation process has

been taken place but the law is kept being run due to satisfying the public interest.

1 INTRODUCTION

Democracy is a system which gives equal

opportunities for individuals in expressing their

aspirations in the public sphere. Aspirations that are

tolerated in a democracy should be in line with

democratic principles, namely freedom, and

equality. Religion as a guiding value in social life

can emerge as part of citizens' aspirations. That is

why at some point religion is placed as a value that

can strengthen democracy. However, many also

doubt the correlation between the two. Huntington,

for example, sees Islam as incompatible with

democracy (Huntington, 1993). According to

Huntington, the Islamic and Western systems have

absolute differences so that they cannot be merged.

The Western system that Huntington refers to is a

democracy born from values that grow from the

West. Among Muslims, this view gained its

legitimacy through a view that forbids democracy.

Islam as a doctrine that cannot be disturbed by its

truthfulness while democracy is a conception that is

always open to correction.

Other experts point out the coherence between

Islam and democracy. Esposito, for example, places

Islam as a religion that has a various relationship

with democracy. Based on his observations in Egypt,

Algeria, Pakistan, Malaysia, Sudan, and Iran,

Esposito explains that there are dynamics of

different relations between Islam and democratic

practices. The experience from the six countries

implies the existence of a common thread between

Islam and democracy, but this relationship is not

absolute. The implementation of democracy in the

six countries has not yet shown the maximum

implementation of democracy (Esposito & Voll,

Islam and Democracy, 1996). Recent views of

Islamic and democratic relations show the

constructive and mutually reinforcing relationships.

Conceptually, the experts have long argued about

the conceptions in Islam such as equality (al-

musawa), deliberation (al-shura), justice (al-

'adalah), freedom (al-hurriyyah), and tolerance (at-

tasamuh). These conceptions are only in the realm of

justification without facts, qualified democratic

practices, or shown by Esposito and Voll. However,

the democratic process in Indonesia after

bureaucratic authoritarianism showed a new

phenomenon. One of the critical works in portraying

the factual relations of Islam and democracy, in fact,

is the findings of Saiful Mujani in his book; Muslim

Democrats. His thesis does disputes not only

Huntington's thesis but also gives an agreement on

the relations presented by Esposito and Voll. As the

largest Muslim country in the world, Indonesia has

shown a constructive democracy by showing a stable

372

Ihsan, A.

Islam, Democracy, and Equality.

DOI: 10.5220/0009931603720379

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 372-379

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

implementation of democracy and four elections at

the national level. However, the relationship

between Islam and democracy Indonesia cannot be

separated from the fact that Islam is a dominant

religion which dominates the country. In a

democracy, freedom is the basis that allows all

individuals to actualize their aspirations based on

equality. In this context, the relations of Islam and

effective democracy in Indonesia use trials by

looking at the factors that exist in the name of

majoritarian and negating minority intentions.

The space of freedom presented by democracy

leads to majoritarian domination which eliminates

the existence of minorities which will eventually

become a single force. This research departs from

the facts that religious domination in Indonesia’s

politic in the midst of a democracy that promotes

equality. This dominance can appear in the first

form, formulation of Islamic values in legislation.

Second, internal forces within political parties both

in the form of organizations and political choices

which put forward the symbolization of religion.

Third, power interplay in legislative institutions that

support political parties at different times.

This fact shows the substantial domination of

religion through a tool of democracy that narrows

down space for the interests of other minority

religious groups. This is where the problem of

access to Islam as a religion with democracy

provides a space for the freedom to articulate

interests. The problem is equipped with religion and

democracy not only in aspects of religion that are

appropriate to the deviation, but also at relative

levels, including values in religion.

The position of religion in a democracy tends to

be alienated especially institutionally. Religion

becomes a private value that has no direct

connection with public life. However, in countries

that have just transformed into democratic countries,

such as Indonesia, the power of communal values

that are influenced by religion is very strong with all

the consequences, between surviving with a

democratic system with the tendency of its

majoritarian domination or returning to a communal-

centralistic system.

2 ISLAM AND THE PROBLEM

OF DEMOCRACY

For Muslim countries, the implementation of

democracy is still an agenda for confirmation, most

of them have not used a minimum standard of

democracy, namely a system that provides

expression space for citizen politics. Of the few

Muslim countries that implement democracy, there

are those who can survive, but not a few who retreat

(Esposito, Sonn, & Voll, Islam and Democracy

After the Arab Spring, 2016).

One of the problems in democracy in Muslim

countries is the lack of a civic culture that is

compatible with democracy.

The lack of tolerance and respect are not very

strong among people which result in domination and

losing the substance of the democracy.

On the other hand, Muslim countries that have

succeeded in implementing a stable system also

experienced the dominating symptoms on the basis

of democratic principles, namely freedom. Islam or

Muslim population is used as legitimacy to fight for

their aspirations in a maximum and dominant

manner. Humans in the shadow of Islamization

which at certain points gain legitimacy from

minority groups. This is what happened in Indonesia

as a country that has the most population of Muslims

in the world with a relatively stable democratic

system (Menchik, 2016).

Reading the relations between Islam and the state

in Indonesia is always associated with socio-

historical reality as the legitimacy of the facilities

enjoyed by Muslims (Effendy, 1997). Likewise,

Islamic patterns in Indonesia are often measured in

majoritarian tendencies, so that Islam that appears in

the Indonesian context is moderate Islam (Mujani,

2004).

Bahtiar Effendy's analysis related to the

relationship between Islam and the state refers to the

New Order regime whose centralistic power system

or in Guillermo O'Donnel's language is

authoritarian-bureaucratic. Under these conditions,

the state is so strong in determining all forces in the

community, including Muslims who are

quantitatively the majority. But in the study it was

also found that in the midst of the hegemony of the

state Muslim powers emerged as a new middle class

with better levels of education. The growth of

modernist Muslim power cannot be ignored by the

state to be able to support the continuity of its

power. The accommodative form of the state against

the strength of the Muslim community by itself

forces the state to "adjust" itself to these new

developments in various fields. The rare vertical

mobility of Muslims at the beginning of the New

Order's power was increasingly unstoppable into

various levels of government and the private sector

in line with these developments. This capital also

Islam, Democracy, and Equality

373

strengthens the direction of reform as the collective

will of society.

The increasing level of public education causes

them to increasingly understand the rights and

obligations as citizens. Under these conditions, the

state cannot close itself to these changes and

developments. This is the forerunner of reform in

response to the cultural demands of citizens for

repressive power structures. The strength of the

cultural aspects that grow in society as a basis for

change according to Saiful Mujani is the capital for

democracy. The strength of values that attach social

groups or organizations, including within Muslims

in Indonesia, is an important part of the survival of

democracy in the largest Muslim country in the

world. That is the role of democrat Muslims who

guard democracy can run without significant

obstacles as happened in Muslim countries in the

Middle East that tend to be unstable and fail to

celebrate democracy.

An optimistic view of the development of

democracy in Indonesia is based on the availability

of abundant civil society for a long time. (Robert W.

Hefner, Civil Islam, 2001). The existence of civil

society in a pluralistic society is an important capital

for strengthening the level of community

participation. Civil society as a force that exists

between family and the state becomes the foundation

for the maintenance of voluntary interaction among

individual citizens. This is based on the facts that

take place in strong democracies that cannot be

separated from the strong base of civil society.

America is a classic example of the presence of

clubs or organizations or groups that are based on

religion, culture, business, trade unions, and others

that are a vehicle for strengthening voluntary

interaction between members. In this interaction a

variety of information was spread which mobilized

members to engage more strongly in various social

activities. This is the social capital that has always

been a foundation for the sustainability of

democratic life. According to Hefner, Indonesia has

strong capital in the Indonesian Islamic community

that has become accustomed to social strengthening

through various associations. Long before

independence the associations grew up in the midst

of society as a medium of transformation for the

awakening of the nation from various forms of

colonization.

Historically there have been various distortions

when both colonizers and ruling elites use or silence

these forces to support their interests. Groups that

initially had independence and therefore became

drivers for social transformation, were co-opted to

maintain the status quo and were even used as a tool

of power against society. This was seen in the

colonial era and in the New Order era with a

centralized power system and controlling all social

forces. However, deviations by the state by

suppressing the power of civil society did not

dampen the transformative steps that took place in

the community. Moreover, the existence of Islamic

organizations is becoming increasingly important

even for its own power so that the state is "forced" to

accommodate the strength of Islamic civil society.

This fact further emphasized the importance of

Muslim civil society in Indonesia which at the same

time denied Samuel P. Huntington's thesis about the

fragility of the democratic base in Muslim society.

Hefner actually shows the opposite fact, namely the

relationship between Islam and democracy in the

Indonesian context.

The important point of the relationship between

Islam and democracy in Indonesia is getting stronger

with the presence of reforms that undermine the

authoritarian regime that has been in power for more

than thirty years. Various forces in society that were

previously curbed, can now actualize themselves in

the midst of freedom. But like the market, this

freedom allows the emergence of a

counterproductive force, namely the existence of

forces contrary to democratic principles. The

freedom enjoyed by everyone is restricted by the

steps of other groups that indirectly limit the

freedom of others. There is a tendency for the

majority to control minorities in the name of

freedom enjoyed in various domains, including in

fighting for religious aspirations.

Likewise, the existence of a moderate majority

Muslim and most of the silent majority do not

necessarily dominate the state policy. On the

contrary, some state policies are determined by a

group of people or political parties which at some

point do not reflect the representation of the number

of citizens, even contradictory. This can be seen

from a number of policies related to religion which

are driven by political parties which are not based

and based on religion. This is beneficial for Islamic

political parties that never get a dominant vote in the

DPR so that it is not easy to incorporate Islamic

values that are pursued in policy or law. On the other

hand, the higher level of piety in society does not

interfere with their political choices. Secular parties

remain dominant in the legislature. There is a

paradox between “secular” aspirations and

“Islamization” tendencies in the realm of legislation.

This is what is examined in this paper by revealing

the presence of Islamic values in legislation intended

for many public interests.

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3 ISLAMIZATION OF

LEGISLATION

Indonesia's democratic journey has faced challenges

that are often regarded as part of the consequences

of democracy, namely the existence of interests to

dominate based on religious teachings which are

limited to adherents. This is evident in the case of

legislation or regulations that are intended to be

limited to the interests of Muslims, but also to

various public interests. Some legislation that shows

the existence of "intervention" of Islamic teachings

for the public interest can be seen, at least in three

legislative products as carried out by the Islamic

political party, the United Development Party (PPP).

For PPP, there are two forms of Islamic values

(tathbiqus syari'ah) which are fought for and used as

a basis by a faction of PPP in responding to the three

bills; Pornography, Health, and PDRE (The

Elimination of Racial and Ethnic Discrimination).

First, universal Islamic values that are believed not

only by Muslims, but also humanity as a whole, such

as justice, honesty, togetherness, unity, equality

before the law, and human rights, which are more

substantive. Second, values that are only believed by

all Muslims, such as the prohibition of showing off

genitalia in the public domain, the prohibition on

adultery, haram alcohol, and others. These values

are more symbolic by referring to verbal standards

in the Quran, hadith, and ijma' (agreement) of the

scholars. These two formulations are part of an

ideology which according to Maurice Duverger is a

rationalization and systematization effort that

reflects the development of its society (Duverger,

2005).

Both formulations of Islamic values are reflected

in the PPP statutes. These values are then used as a

basis and reference in a faction plenary meeting

related to the discussion of the three bills that are the

focus of this research. The plenary meeting was a

meeting involving all cross-commissioned PPP

cadres to establish a common perception regarding

the articles that were considered to be contradictory

or potentially contrary to Islamic values. This

process according to the party system theory, as

proposed Scott Mainwaring is a necessity that can

deliver the party to its institutionalization and move

the entire party system simultaneously (Mainwaring

& Torcal, 2005).

Based on the foundation of the formulation of

Islamic values, the debate within the PPP faction is

more at the effort of equating perceptions related to

the articles in the three bills that need to be

strengthened, revised, or amended if they are

considered contradictory or potentially causing the

interpretations that deviate from Islamic teachings.

In this case, the party system as initiated by Moshe

Maor is an essential part in determining the direction

and steps of the party as an independent variable or

determined (dependent variable) (Maor, 1997).

In the discussion of the Pornography Bill, the

PPP highlighted several articles that were deemed

necessary to be maintained, strengthened and

clarified because they were considered to have the

potential to produce distorted interpretations or

effects that were on the contrary to Islamic

teachings. Among the articles is Article 1 on the

definition of pornography, it does not only includes

graphics (images) but also related to body

movements (pornoaction). The PPP supports, and

interpretations of the definition of pornography

include the expansion of the definition from only

considering pictures as the subject. Likewise,

prohibitions and restrictions on pornography for

personal use (Article 6), according to PPP,

pornography cannot be tolerated even though it is

for personal use. Also, spreading pornographic

content and seeing images of certain body parts are

prohibited in religion. Another problem is the role of

the community in preventing the circulation of

pornography (Article 21) which, by PDIP Party and

PDS, is a Christian-based political party, is

considered to be able to make room for the single

trial by the community. For PPP, community

participation is an essential part of Islamic teachings

as well as the implementation of Article 4 (b) in the

PPP Constitution, namely amar ma'ruf nahi munkar

(commanding goodness, forbidding evil).

Although the PPP does not include Islamic

teachings symbolically into all (44) articles in the

Pornography Bill, by looking at the background of

the proposed bill, including from academic studies,

the substance contained in all articles shows a

visible substantive correlation to Islamic teachings,

as well as the other religious teachings. However,

the substantive values were not explicitly dictated by

PPP, especially during the article per article

discussion. Hence, the allegation of Islam

dominance in the bill cannot be proven. For example

sanctions for pornographic actors, PPP still refers to

criminal sanctions as applicable in relevant laws,

such as the Criminal Code, Broadcasting Law, or

Electronic Information and Transaction Law. There

is no elaboration of sanctions in Islam in the form of

ta'zir or educative punishment (ta'dib) with the

intention of scaring (tankif) against immoral acts in

with no provision and fine. This fact proves that

ideology, as assumed by Roy C. Macridis, has not

Islam, Democracy, and Equality

375

succeeded in becoming the base of the entire party

system as part of the institutionalization effort which

ultimately affects people's choice (Macridis, 1983).

PPP's attitude towards the Pornography Bill is

different from its attitude towards the Health Bill

which in several articles links it to symbolic Islamic

teachings. PPP provides some notes on the Health

Bill in accordance with the provisions contained in

Islamic teachings, mainly because the Health Bill

has an extensive scope, thus providing a relatively

broad interpretation space. Regarding the number of

articles, the Health Bill consists of 205 articles, far

more than the previous Health Act (Law No. 23 of

1992) which has 90 articles and covers more on

medical aspects. Just as in the Pornography Bill,

PPP does not provide notes on every article, but

articles that have the potential to conflict with

Islamic teachings are chosen.

There are three issues highlighted by PPP in the

discussion of the Health Bill which is directly

related to Islamic law and accepted as part of the

Health Law. First, the problem of abortion. Abortion

in Islam is prohibited (haram) because it is as the

same as killing life. However, there is also a clause

allowing abortion because of the considerations

justified by the Shari'a. Therefore, PPP provides

strict requirements for abortion. In addition to the

consideration of the safety of the fetus and mother,

PPP also requires religious considerations in

deciding whether or not the abortion is carried out

(Article 77 of the Health Act). Second, reproductive

health and rights. In the Health Bill, women get their

rights to determine the process before, when and

after pregnancy. Although there is an explanation

that reproductive rights remain in the corridor of

rules taken from various sources of value, including

from religion, PPP emphasizes that mother can do

exclusive breastfeeding for six months, but it is also

possible for a mother to breastfeed for up to two

years as recommended in the Qur'an. The third is

about post-mortem, its medical standards, including

other issues surrounding post-mortem. Medically,

when someone dies the body parts can be taken and

used for medical purposes. However, according to

PPP which referring to the teaching of Islam, the

dead so treated with care and should not be harmed

in that way. The views and considerations referred to

in symbolic Islam are accommodated in the

explanation of articles in the 2009 Health Law. If

referring to the two formulations of Islamic values;

symbolic and substantive, the success of

incorporating symbolic values, although not easy, is

the same degree as substantive values if the PPP is

able to translate it comprehensively into the overall

bill as well as the ideological conception in general.

In the case of the PDRE Bill, the PPP's emphasis

on Islamic values is more on the basic foundation of

the bill, namely the importance of tolerance in plural

society as part of the sunnatullah as reflected in the

Quran (Surat al-Hujurat: 13). Therefore, the PPP is

fighting for the bill not to be limited to racial and

ethnic discrimination, but all aspects that have the

potential to cause discrimination.

Unlike the discussion on the drafting process of

Pornography and Health Law which received

support from internal factions, in the discussion of

the draft of PDRE Bill, some PPP members wanted

the bill to not focus on racial and ethnic issues,

because those are the less important issue in the

religious practice. Therefore, in addition to

providing support, PPP is also fighting for the role

of religion in helping to eliminate discrimination, as

most do not provide religious nuances in the bill. For

example, in the matter of equality and justice which

contains two from the six principles which PPP

supports and both values have been accommodated

in the PDRE Bill. The bill mentions on Article 2

Paragraph (1) that “The elimination of racial and

ethnic discrimination is carried out based on the

principles of equality, freedom, justice and universal

human right values.”

Moreover, Article 2 paragraph (2) mentions "The

principle of equality, freedom, justice and universal

human values as referred to in paragraph (1) is

carried out while maintaining religious values .”

Likewise related to civil rights. PPP advocates

for revision of the vote in item (d) in the elucidation

of Article 10 which states; "The right to choose a

spouse in marriage." For PPP, the word "marriage"

must be added with the word "legitimate" so that

there will be no similar marriages that are contrary

to Islamic teachings as well as in accordance with

Article 28B paragraph (1) of the Constitution of

Republic of Indonesia. However, this proposal was

rejected and replaced by; "Forming a family,

choosing a spouse and continuing offspring." The

PDRE Bill, consisting of 27 articles, was finally

agreed to become 23 articles by eliminating some

parts that were considered irrelevant.

PPP's struggle to strengthen, revise, and amend

articles to conform to Islamic values in the three

bills cannot be separated from the debate and

lobbying between the factions in the DPR RI. The

dynamics of debates between factions in the DPR RI

can be divided into two groups; namely the rejecting

faction and the supporting faction. In the discussion

of the Pornography Bill, the factions that refused

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376

were PDIP and PDS and 8 supporting factions; PG

(Party of the Functional Groups), PPP, PAN

(National Mandate Party), PKB (National

Awakening Party), PD (Democratic Party), PBR

(Reform Star Party), PKS (Prosperous Justice Party),

and BPD, a combination of several small parties.

Even until the bill was passed, PDIP and PDS still

refuse, precisely, the three articles containing the

scope of the definition, private territory in

pornography, and community involvement in the

prevention of pornography.

While in the discussion of the Health Bill related

to Islamic values, there was a debate even among

fellow Islamic parties. PPP's efforts to include

Islamic values, especially related to the issue of

abortion, get a response from the fact that the PBR

originated from the same house of ideology, namely

Islam. According to PBR, abortion is contrary to

human values. PBR rejects abortion for victims of

rape or adultery for any reason. While PDS rejects

abortion because it will surely produce more severe

regret than the reason for abortion itself. In general,

debates between factions can be divided between the

supporting factions and the factions that reject or

object to proposals such as the one championed by

PPP. The first group is PG, PKS, PD, PKB, BPD,

and PAN, and the second group is PDIP, PBR, and

PDS.

In the discussion of the PDRE Bill the debate

took place regarding the ontological foundation of

humans as free beings. For PAN, human beings are

not just free, but also holy, and in their own holy

words freedom is contained, because it is enough to

use the word "holy". This problem is debated

because in the perspective of human religions have

different positions. Likewise the position (role) of

religion and civil rights related to legitimate living

donations does not get a portion in the bill, so it

enters into debate including by PPP. Related to this,

the factions were divided between those who agreed

to add the word "holy" (PG, PKB, and PDS) and did

not agree (PDIP, PPP, PKS, PBR, and BPD).

Finally, the debate can be solved through

reformulation of sentences without taking sides in

one of them, by removing the word "free" and not

entering the word "holy".

The division of factions in the DPR in the

discussion of the three bills above is dynamic and

not fully binary. In general, there was a debate that

reflects the antagonism (pros and cons) among the

factions. During the debate, some factions offered a

middle ground as an alternative to the pros and cons

of the discussion. Also, through lobbying at the

initiative of certain factions, including by PPP,

antagonism could be minimized, even compromised.

At the level of civil society, the three bills get

critical attention, even rejection on the one hand, but

also strong support on the other hand. Especially for

the Pornography Bill, in addition to gaining critical

attention and strong support, it also received

rejection, even with the threat of secession from the

Republic of Indonesia. The issue of Islamization of

the Bill on Pornography one side brings support, but

also rejection on the other side. The two largest

Muslim organizations, namely NU and

Muhammadiyah as part of civil society specifically

formed the "Bumi-Matahari" (earth-sun) coalition

which one of its agendas was the anti-pornography

and moral movement of porno-action.

Likewise, with the Health Bill, the critical

attitude of civil society is very strong. The issue of

religion also rose and became a debate between civil

society, namely between those who want the

elimination of the linking of the Health Bill to

religious values with groups that support the

opposite values. Another example is the rule

governing legal partner (Article 72). According to

some community groups, the article castrated

freedom, especially for people who do not have a

legal partner, such as commercial sex workers or

same-sex couple. Adding to that, the religious civil

society criticized the problem of abortion. They

reject abortions that are done after the fetus is forty

days old because it has been categorized as a living

creature that must be preserved.

While the partial attitude of civil society towards

the PDRE Bill shows its critical support by

emphasizing the need to strengthen and expand

coverage from just racial and ethnic issues, but also

all forms of discrimination, including in the socio-

cultural, legal and economic fields. The religious

civil society sees the bill ignoring the importance of

the role of religion, even though all citizens cannot

be separated from their religion. Therefore, this

PDRE Bill will not run optimally, because it cannot

provide a comprehensive solution to the problem of

discrimination that not only deals with race and

ethnicity but broader than that, including religious

issues.

The inter faction debate in the discussion of the

three bills took place in addition to differences in the

substance of the article, also because of an offer or

proposal of Islamic values that were deemed

unsuitable for a pluralistic public interest. Islam as a

teaching that is believed by Muslims does not

always have a universal dimension that can be

accepted by the public, especially related to specific

Islam, Democracy, and Equality

377

and ritualistic teachings. However, through lobbying

and support from other factions, several PPP offers

could be accommodated in the bill which was then

passed into law. This shows the existence of power

interplay between factions in discussing the three

bills which at certain points lead to compromise, but

at another point it remains in its antagonism, as in

the discussion of the Draft Bill on Pornography.

The discussion of three bills besides involving

political parties is also inseparable from the role of

civil society. In responding to the three bills, civil

society experienced polarization between pros and

cons, even in one bill (Bill on Pornography)

antagonism emerged between civil society. The

support and refusal given by civil society to the three

bills is strongly influenced by the values fought for.

Religious civil society has become an important

force for PPP in fighting for Islamic values as an

implementation of its Islamic ideology, although at a

certain point religious civil society criticizes certain

articles that are considered deviant, as in the case of

abortion. This fact simultaneously strengthens the

theory of the strong role of civil society in Muslim

society.

Competition and debate in the discussion of the

three bills led to a simpler grouping of ideologies,

namely between the pros and the cons. Except for

Islamic ideological parties, other ideological parties;

nationalist-religious and nationalist-secular, does not

show a strong ideological color, so ideological

categorization in the discussion of the three bills is

not as complex as the categorization made by

Herbert Feith which includes radical nationalism,

Javanese traditionalism, democratic socialism,

communism and Islam. But it is also not as simple as

Sigmund Neumann's category of in-group parties

and out-group parties that are more in the category

of domination and subordination. In the discussion

of the three grouping bills based on loose pros and

cons, depending on the substance of the issues

discussed. Therefore, the pro and contra formation

of the PPP proposal in the discussion of the bill

could be different in number and name of the party.

Based on some of the findings above, it is clear

that Islamic ideology is still quite significant in

coloring legislation with its diverse dynamics in a

religiously diverse society. Ideology based on

typical values (Islam) can be actualized based on

broader public interests without losing the substance

of the ideology itself. Therefore, Islam as a political

party ideology still exists in various forms of

actualization and support. The existence of Islamic

values in the three bills that are the object of this

study shows the close link between the attitude of

party cadres and their party ideology. Even some

politicians from secular parties also show the

similarity of religious values that are actualized in

the form of support for efforts to incorporate Islamic

values into the three bills. But in the context of PPP,

the relationship between ideology and social reality

is not as strong as what is perceived as an ideology

because of the success of incorporating Islamic

values not entirely on the PPP struggle, but thanks to

the support of other parties who share common

views. Amid social reality with a majority Muslim

religious identity, PPP with its Islamic ideology is

only able to be understood by a small number of

people. In fact, one of the functions of political

ideology is to help people understand the position of

ideology in society.

4 EPILOGUE; IDEOLOGICAL

OR PRAGMATIC INTEREST

The process of discussing the bill until it becomes

law involves many interrelated factors.

Institutionally, the existence of an Islamic-based

party is an entry point to incorporate Islamic values

into the law. The existence of Islamic political

parties that are still a minority compared to secular

parties does not preclude efforts to incorporate

Islamic values through lobbying the secular parties.

The effort received a response from secular political

parties through support and shared views when the

bill being discussed.

Political parties as an essential pillar of

democracy have become an easy way to incorporate

various aspects of their interests, including the

interests of Muslims. Democracy as a system that

promotes equality, with the dominance of laws or

regulations that are segmented based on a particular

religion can threaten freedom which is also the basic

principle of democracy.

Actions taken by the PPP and supporting parties

against the inclusion of Islamic values are included

in actions that Roy C. Macridis calls an ideological

action, namely actions carried out because of the

urge to fight for the values contained in the ideology

adopted. These ideological values are seen from the

formulation of Islamic values championed by PPP in

the discussion of the three bills. The difference in

emphasis and intensity of the struggle of Islamic

values between the symbolic (formal teachings) and

substantive (universal teachings) depends on the

context of the possibility of article deviations from

Islamic values.

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Civil society support for the inclusion of Islamic

values in the law is complementary to the

occurrence of "intervention" of Islamic teachings

into the public sphere. Although the voices of civil

society are diverse, support for the inclusion of

Islamic values into the law increasingly shows the

dominance of the majority against minorities. This is

where the democratic agenda in Indonesia has come

to some extent at the level of consolidation, but the

fact still relies on domination in the name of a

majoritarian.

The existence of a relationship between the

existence of Islamic political parties, civil society

with interest in the enforcement of Islamic

constitutional values. The presence of politicians

who have the same interests and awareness even

though different parties constitute a challenge to the

actual enforcement of democracy, namely a system

that provides space the same for all citizens without

being isolated by differences in religion, ethnicity or

class. Islamic compatibility with new democracies

takes place in the realm of pragmatism because of

the benefits or incentives perceived by Muslims as

majority citizens. Democracy enjoyed by the

majority tends to be procedural rather than

substantial. The comfort of the majority is

legitimized by laws or regulations that are strong

enough to involve political parties and civil society

so that they are not disturbed by the interests of

other groups. This is the development of democracy

in a country where the attitude and behaviour of its

citizens are thick with religious nuances. The space

for freedom in a democracy is overwhelmed by

strong group interests and tends to neglect minority

groups as citizens who have the same rights and

obligations.

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