Sirri Marriage of Indonesian Woman Migrant Workers
in Saudi Arabia
Khaeron Sirin
1
, Munzier Suparta
1
, Imam Subchi
1
, Muhammad Maksum
1
and Rena Latifa
1
1
UIN Syarif Hidayatullah
J
akarta, Jl.
J
uanda, No. 95, Tangerang Selatan, Banten, 15412, Indonesia
Keywords: Sirri marriage, informal marriage, women, migrant workers, Indonesian women migrant workers (TKW)
Abstract: This study analyze some factors that have driven Indonesian women migrant workers in Saudi Arabia to
have an informal marriage (sirri marriage) and to examine the impacts of this kind of unofficial marriage in
relation to legal, economic, social and psychological aspects of the lives of these women. The research
demonstrates that some Indonesian women migrant workers in Saudi Arabia have conducted sirri marriage
since many years ago. Result shows, the practice of sirri marriage, is not registered legally as an official
marriage, has given birth to diverse problems, such as the existence of fake marriage certificate, the
negligence of women’s rights, and the legal status of children born outside of legal marriage.
1 INTRODUCTION
The number of Indonesians working abroad has
increased dramatically over the last two decades.
Surprisingly, the total number of female migrants
exceeds that of men. In 2002, 76 percent of 480,393
overseas workers were women. 94 percent of these
women worked as domestic helpers in Middle
Eastern, East Asian and Southeast Asian countries
(Sondakh and Naovalitha 2003).
Becoming a women migrant worker is regarded
as a panacea for many poor rural families. These
people leave their homes and families due to the lack
of job opportunities in their villages. Salaries abroad
are too tempting and are usually higher than what
they can get in big cities such as Jakarta. Success
stories of women migrant worker returnees who
purchase new houses, vehicles, and electronic
equipment give those in the village an incentive to
want to travel as well without thinking about the
risks. Gaps in the system make requirements easy to
fulfill. The women only know that they have to be at
least 18 years old, healthy, know how to read, and
can pay part of the placement fees.
There was some study about women migrant
workers. This study try to explore the phenomenon
of woman migrant workers in Saudi Arabia. As a
profession, women migrant workers in Saudi Arabia
has a tight schedule and hard activity. They also
have to experience long distance relation with their
family. This condition have a considerable impact
on the fulfillment of their psychological and
biological needs, who are in fact relatively young.
The women migrant workers desire to meet their
family or to get married in their hometown should be
suspended until their employment contracts are over
or they have permission from their employers to
return to their homeland.
As an alternative solution or perhaps an escape
from all problems and busy work as domestic
workers, many of them do informal marriage or
commonly known as ‘sirri marriage’ (or unofficial
marriage).
This study question some factors that have
driven Indonesian women migrant workers in Saudi
Arabia to have an informal marriage (sirri marriage)
and to examine the impacts of this kind of unofficial
marriage in relation to legal, economic, social and
psychological aspects of the lives of these women.
2 LITERATURE FRAMEWORK
Sirri marriage is not a matter of Indonesian law, but
rather the law of Islam experienced by countries
with predominantly Muslim, particularly in
countries of the Middle East (Kanto and Kholifah
2015). Sirri marriage criminalize attempts have
failed in the state of Israel and Turkey some time
ago. While in Saudi Arabia increased the number of
Sirin, K., Suparta, M., Subchi, I., Maksum, M. and Latifa, R.
Sirri Marriage of Indonesian Woman Migrant Workers in Saudi Arabia.
DOI: 10.5220/0009919308930897
In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 893-897
ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9
Copyright
c
2020 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
893
misyar marriage. The Ulama (Islamic leader) there
allow it as qualify for the validity of marriage.
Conceptually based on a joint understanding
about “sirrun” & “nikkah” words, the sirri marriage
is a secret or hidden marriage (Kanto and Kholifah
2015). At least there are some indicators of a
marriage as an element of Sirri (secret) or not: first
marriage is not requisitely and principly of marriage
in accordance with the provisions of the Islamic
religion. Second, is a marriage that does not present
by the Registration of Marriage Officer to obtain
legal certainty. Third, marriage does not hold
walimah / reception.
Sirri marriage phenomenon can be analyzed
through the theory of the Social Construction of
Peter L. Berger (Berger 1990). Social construction,
namely: externalizing, internalizing, objectification.
Externalization can be interpreted as a desire and
personal motivation of the people who want to be
recognized. For example is the desire to do
polygamy to avoid adultery. Whereas in the case of
sirri marriage Internalization can be interpreted as
the norm or principle deeply held by community
members. For example, is a high tribute to Kyai, the
important notion that married is legitimate by
religion and social status as a wife is better than
being single. The objectification is the result
between internalization and externalization. Sirri
marriage is the result of objectification.
Indonesian women migrant worker
Since the 1970s, the Saudi Kingdom has
experienced oil-revenue driven high-GDP growth, a
shortage of Saudi nationals in its labour market, and
an increase in Saudi women obtaining higher
education and becoming employed in non-domestic
sectors (Park 2017). Because household duties are
carried out predominantly by maids in Saudi culture,
these factors have increased the demand for non-
Saudi domestic workers. By 1983, as Saudi Arabia
was experiencing changes in its employment trends,
the Indonesian state simultaneously started to
integrate labour export into its economic
development plans (Park 2017). Agencies were
permitted to recruit women to work in Saudi Arabia
as maids. This was intended to shrink Indonesia’s
unemployment rate, while new streams of foreign
exchange and remittances were to boost Indonesia’s
GDP growth and reduce the country’s deficits. The
Saudis benefited from Indonesia’s new economic
strategy as well: the new labour export satisfied the
labour vacuum left behind by the elevating status of
Saudi women at low costs. Labour regulatory
loosening in 1983 immediately led 55,976
Indonesians, both men and women, to work in the
Arab state. By 1989, this number had quadrupled to
223,576, and by 1994, it had risen to 384,822. Of the
384,822 labourers, over a third were women
employed in domestic service. As demonstrated,
economic developments in both Indonesia and Saudi
Arabia have led to the influx and diaspora of female
Indonesian maids in Saudi Arabia (Park 2017).
3 RESEARCH METHODS
3.1 Demographic Information
The sample of this study was 35 participants.
They were all Indonesian women migrants worker in
Saudi Arabia, comes from different area of
Indonesia. We use snowball sampling technique to
recruit the participants.
3.2 Measurements
Participants interviewed by the researchers, using
semi structured questions (Moleong 2007),
questioning their (a) perceptions and practices in
sirri marriage during their stay in Saudi Arabia, (b)
reasoning and the objectives of their sirri marriage,
(c) impact of their sirri marriage.
4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Perceptions and Practices in
Sirri Marriage of Women
Migrant Workers
Understanding sirri marriage among Indonesian
women migrant workers in Saudi Arabia is unique.
Their perception or view of it is very simple, namely
a marriage between a man with a woman who are
married by a local headman (penghulu) who is
appointed as the representative of the prospective
bride's guardian, witnessed by two witnesses and is
attended by a number of bride’s friends. The
implementation is quite short, practical, and
inexpensive. No special arrangements and no need
document requirements like those that are obligated
in the legal marriage at the consulate general. They
could carry out the sirri marriage anytime and
anywhere as per their wish. Typically, after both the
bride and the groom agreed to do sirri marriage,
then they determine the time, while the prospective
groom prepared funds to do the sirri marriage.
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For sirri marriage, normally the prospective
bridegroom looking for candidates of headman who
will act as the representative of the bride’s guardian.
Usually, the person who acted as the headman
comes from fellow migrant workers or Indonesian
people who have lived in Saudi Arabia for long time
and is considered as a cleric or religious leaders.
While the two witnesses from the bride and the
groom’s friends.
Once everything is ready, then the headman
always asks about the status of the bride, "Who is
the bride’s guardian?", "Is it with the permission of
her parents or family?" On this question, the bride
will answer that her status is “girl or widow”, her
guardian has allowed the sirri marriage, and the
guardian or family appealed to the headman to be
acted as her guardian to marry her. Information,
permits, and the request is usually evidenced by
phone that listened to the headman and all invited
people in the marriage. Based on that evidence by
phone, then the headman carries out his duties to
marry the bride.
However, sometimes the sound from the phone
that is listened to the headman is actually not the
bride’s guardian or family in their hometown in
Indonesia, but usually they are the bride/groom’s
friends who work in Saudi Arabia. The friends
pretend to be a parent or guardian of the bride. In
other words, in certain cases, a parent or guardian of
the bride is not real (deception).
After ijab-qabul of sirri marriage, they celebrate
the marriage with the invited people by eating
together—typical menu called rice "Albaik" (Arab-
style of fried chicken) and soft drinks. Therefore, the
marriage is also commonly called “Albaik
marriage”. With the implementation of such
marriage, the man and the woman are considered
legally become husband and wife.
A. Reasons and Objectives of Sirri Marriage of
Women Mirgrant Workers
In general, the phenomena of sirri marriage
among migrant workers in Saudi Arabia is based on
the factors of necessity rather than pleasure. This is
motivated by emergencies or problems that they
face, so that consciously or not it has forced them to
do hidden marriage. In more details, some of the
reasons and the purposes of doing sirri marriage are:
1. Obtaining Personal Protection and Security
The women migrant workers stated that the
reason they want to do sirri marriage is to get
protection and security from a person. This is
because women migrant workers who are far
from their family need protection from a wide
range of possibilities that will happen to them,
either while in the residence/rented houses
(flats) or in certain places. This becomes very
important, because they live in Saudi Arabia
that has different rules and culture with those in
Indonesia. In this case, women according to the
terms and Arab culture does not have freedom
as that belongs to men. In addition to the
protection and security of the arrest of the
police, their sirri marriages are also intended to
obtain protection of other crimes, such as street
crime and other crimes in certain places.
2. Getting Shelter (Mas’ul)
As it is known, not all migrant workers from
Indonesia who work in Saudi Arabia are
processed through official procedures, so many
of them are illegal. Various kinds of Indonesian
workers are not legal, such as those who escape
from their employers and those who went to
Saudi for umrah or pilgrimage purposes, but
they settle down and find job there. The what
they need are shelter and people who can find
them job.
The women mirgrant workers also disclose
many reasons of why they run away from their
employers, such as: unpaid salary, experiencing
inhumanely treatment, getting tortured
(violence)
, abused/raped, influenced by broker’s
persuation, and to get better income.
3. Fulfilling Biological Needs
The need biological desire is human nature that
cannot be eliminated, and humans are not
capable to avoid it forever. Therefore, religion
rules about marriage (Quran, 3: 3). Indonesian
women migrant workers working in Saudi
Arabia are also humans. They also have natural
tendency to love and to be loved. Therefore,
they also want to have sexual relations between
men and women, like marital relationship. Sirri
marriage is the only legitimate way that they
deem to be able to deliver their biological
needs. They do not want to be bothered and
think about the theory and legal issues, both
religious law and state law. The important thing
for them is to fulfill their sexual desire, like
husband and wife, even though by sirri
marriage.
4. Avoid Adultery
Adultery is an act that is prohibited or forbidden
by religion, because adultery is a heinous act
and the penalties are very severe, especially for
adulterers muhsan (where the perpetrators have
been married). The migrant workers are aware
of it and try to comply with the rules applied by
the Saudi government, then they were forced to
Sirri Marriage of Indonesian Woman Migrant Workers in Saudi Arabia
895
do sirri marriage so as not to get stuck on
adultery and to avoid punishment. By sirri
marriage, they may feel lawful sexual
intercourse between men and women as
husband and wife. In fact, it is also common
among them where those who are still married
whose husband in Indonesia but they have
another husband at the same time during their
time as migrant workers in Saudi Arabia. Thus,
there are a number of domestic workers who do
polyandry, even though this is in clear as a
violation of the provisions of religion of Islam
and the state. However, above all, they say it is
better to do sirri marriage than to commit
adultery.
5. Friends Persuasion
The influence of fellow migrant workers to
carry out sirri marriage is very strong. Many
migrant workers who do sirri marriage initially
because of motivated and persuaded by their
friends. The modus to influenceis varies.
According to informant, a former domestic
migrant worker from Pamekasan (East-Java),
"Sirri marriage is permitted by religion (Islam)
and it also can get protection and security from
Arab governments. If there are problems, we
will be helped to find a solution. Instead of
adultery, it is better if we do sirri marriage."
Maybe the intention of the majority of her
friends were right, but there are also some of
those who have specific purposes, such as to get
money if they are successfully persuaded to do
sirri marriage or to support and legitimize the
practice of sirri marriage.
B. Impact of Sirri Marriage of Women Mirgrant
Workers in Saudi Arabia
The impact of sirri marriage is a clash of two
interests, between those do sirri marriage but they
do not want to do register their marriages because of
certain reasons as previously explained and the
interests of the state to manage the administration of
the population, so that any marriage that is not
registered is not recognized by the State. In fact, one
form of state recognition is authentic marriage
certificate as a proof of the occurrence of a marriage.
With the existence of this certificate, a registered
marriage has the force of law, including legal
protection for both the actors of marriage and the
results of the marriage, such as their children or
property under the marriage. This is felt by the
actors of sirri marriage in Saudi Arabia.
The phenomenon of sirri marriage of women
domestic workers in Saudi Arabia clearly have an
impact on the lives of the perpetrators, particularly
for migrant workers, both legal impact, economic,
social, and psychological. By law, sirri marriage has
no meaning in the presence of positive law in
Indonesia. They do not have the force of law on
marriage and anything produced in the sirri marriage
are automatically not recognized. In term of
economy, women mirgrant workers who do sirri
marriage do not experience significant changes in
welfare. In fact, many of them continue to work hard
to help the family finances, such as paying rent
house, food costs, health, and so on. Socially, they
feel a bit proud of their status as wife, but it is does
not change anything in their daily life. On the
contrary, sometimes this is even become an arena of
sirri
marriage dispute between the husband and the
wife, even among migrant workers, because of
competition and jealousy. Psychologically, they
become less comfortable and feel anxious when they
have to take care of family documents, including
birth certificates of their children. They also feel that
they have no vision or hope for the future of their
sirri marriage because the husband could easily
divorce the wife at any time.
C. The Government's Efforts to Overcome Sirri
Marriage Phenomena
As government representatives abroad, the
Consulate General in Jeddah has a duty and
responsibility to serve, protect and promote the
rights and needs of Indonesian migrant workers in
Saudi Arabia. In this case, the Consulate General has
sought to provide solutions and policies to facilitate
simultaneously and to minimize sirri marriage
practices undertaken by men or women migrant
workers in Saudi Arabia.
1. Determination of Marriage (Ithbat)
The expectations of Indonesian migrant workers
in Saudi Arabia, particularly the women
workers, to legalize their marriage are quite big.
The reason of why they do ithbat marriage is to
obtain official marriage certificate as a proof of
recognition and legal power from the state
(legislation) related to their marital status
abroad. The marriage certificate serves as a
foundation where they live at home or interact
together (husband-wife) to avoid the Saudi law
that prohibits men and women who are not
mahram together in one place. Moreover,
marriage certificate also serves to confirm the
relationship of parents of children who are born
under the marriage, so the status of their
children is clear and easy to obtain proof of
birth (birth certificate).
Ithbat marriage is meant to obtain legal
marriage in the form of marriage certificate.
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These amendments are very important for the
citizens, because the marriage certificate is a
reference document to refer other documents,
such as birth certificates.
The requirements for ithbat marriage according
to Islamic Law Compilation (KHI) Article 7,
paragraph (3) are: The existence of marriage in
the contex of a divorce settlement, the loss of
marriage certificate, there is doubt related to the
validity of one of the conditions of marriage,
there is a marriage that occured prior to the Act
No. 1 of 1974, and the marriage is done by
those who did not have a hitch in marriage
according to Act No. 1 of 1974.
2. Mass Marriage
In addition to implement the program of ithbat
marriage, the Consulate General in Jeddah also
held a mass married for migrant workers in
Saudi Arabia who wanted to hold their marriage
to be fast, practical, economical, and legal,
without having to return to Indonesia. This
policy also minimizes the phenomena of sirri
marriage and fake marriage certificate among
them in Saudi Arabia, as well as a form of legal
protection policy of the State against the
citizens in Saudi Arabia.
The program was implemented in 2013 at the
office of Consulate General in Jeddah.
Unfortunately, this program received less
maximal response from the migrant workers
there. This is shown from the very minimal
participants who register this program.
5 CONCLUSION
The phenomenon of sirri marriage among women
migrant workers in Saudi Arabia clearly have
impacts on their lives in term of legal, economic,
social, and psychological.
Therefore, the need to immediately set up a
religious institution or religious attaché in the
Consulate General of the Republic of Indonesia in
Jeddah or in the Embassy of the Republic of
Indonesia in Saudi Arabia to serve and deal
specifically with issues related to legal and
administrative religious services for Indonesian
migrant workers, mainly in Saudi Arabia.
What is more, there should be a study or further
research on the protection of the rights of children
born from sirri marriage of women mirgrant workers
in Saudi Arabia, particularly the illegal women
migrant workers who until now the number is huge
but have not gained the recognition from the
government of Indonesia in the form of birth
certificate.
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