The Pattern of Tunggu Tubang Inheritance of Semende Tribe
in Gunung Agung Village from the Perspective of Islamic Inheritance
Law
Aceng Kosasih, Azelia Velinda and Mokh. Iman Firmansyah
Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia
acengkosasih@upi.edu
Keywords: Tunggu Tubang, Semende Tribe, Perspective, Islamic Inheritance Law.
Abstract: Indonesia has unique and diverse systems of inheritance distribution. The customs and tradition of
inheritance often cause pros and cons in society. This phenomenon can also be found in the system of
tunggu tubang practiced by Semende tribe in the area of Gunung Agung, Muara Enim, South Sumatra.
This study aims to describe and analyze the tunggu tubang from the perspective of Islamic inheritance
law. This research uses descriptive-analytic method with qualitative approach. The data were collected
through observation, interviews, and documentation. The data were analyzed through data reduction,
data presentation, and conclusions. The results show that the tunggu tubang, in essence, have two
functions. The first is as a habit of keeping the heritage of the ancestors; and the second is as a sole
female beneficiary overseen by boys (meraje) to conserve inheritance and strengthen family
relationships. The function of maintaining customs to strengthen relationships among family members
is not contrary to Islamic Sharia Law. However, the function of tunggu tubing as the only beneficiary
is contrary to Islamic inheritance law. In sharia law, male and female have the same inheritance rights.
1 INTRODUCTION
The culture and customs of Indonesian people is
very diverse. They remain alive or practiced
indefinitely by indigenous peoples, even when
they do not get legality from the state (Murdan,
2016). The diversity makes Indonesia very rich of
local wisdom. Local wisdom is usually taught,
inherited, and passed down from generation-to-
generation in tangible and intangible forms, such
as language, literature, art, ceremonies, customs,
and so on. Local wisdom is usually reflected in
long-lasting habits of nature that conserve and
preserve nature (Dokhi et.al, 2016).
One of the indigenous local wisdom that still
survives is in terms of distribution of inheritance.
The arrangement of inheritance among the heirs is
a manifestation of the recognition of individual
ownership of both movable and immovable
properties. It is also a manifestation of ones
possessions and must be equitably shared with the
heirs after fulfilling certain conditions (Ali, 2011).
In Indonesia, custom in the distribution of
inheritance is very diverse. One of the factors
causing such diversity is gender consideration,
considering the division between male and female.
Handayani et al. (2015) writes about the custom of
Ulun Lampung Saibatin Pekon Sukabanjar, the
District of Lumbok Seminung, West Lampung
Regency. She reveals eldest son as a full heir to
the estate of the parents. Batak custom does not
give the widow an opportunity to inherit her
husband (Olivia and Lubis, 2007). In contrast to the
customary law of the Banjar community in which
the position of women in the legal norms of
inheritance in the "peace institution" by means of
islah and faraid-islah can be relative, greater,
equal, or smaller than the male (Muzainah, 2012).
The uniqueness of the division of inheritance
happened to Semende tribe with tubang tunggu
system. However, this system invites pros and
cons for privileging one gender, including among
the Semende tribe community itself (Saputra and
Wirawan, 2016).
Diversity, uniqueness, and the existence of the
pros-cons is the basis of this research to perform
in-depth analysis on the pattern of the inheritance
12
Kosasih, A., Velinda, A. and Firmansyah, M.
The Pattern of Tunggu Tubang Inheritance of Semende Tribe in Gunung Agung Village from the Perspective of Islamic Inheritance Law.
In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education (ICSE 2017) - Volume 1, pages 12-15
ISBN: 978-989-758-316-2
Copyright © 2018 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
system among the Semende people. The analysis
is based on in the perspective of Islamic view.
2 RESEARCH METHOD
This research uses descriptive analytic method to
describe phenomenon or situation that is related to
tubang tunggu among the people of Semende
(Sukmadinata, 2006; Setyosari, 2010). The research
uses qualitative approach because the phenomena
is related to the behavior of indigenous Semende
tribe (Moleong, 2010).
The location of the research was conducted in
Gunung Agung village, Central Semende Land
District, Muara Enim Regency, South Sumatera
Province. There were eight key informants and
two supporting informants. They consist of
indigenous Semende tribal leaders, Village Head,
and the people who are considered as tubang
tunggu and common people.
The data collection is done through
observation, interview, and documentation. The
collected data is analyzed by referring to Sugiyono
(2011) opinion, i.e. data reduction, data
presentation, and conclusion about the distribution
of tubang tunggu system from the perspective of
Islamic inheritance law.
3 RESEARCH RESULT AND
DISCUSSION
Semende is a tribe in the South Sumatra Province
of Indonesia. The people of Semende are spread in
several villages, districts, and regencies. In the
inheritance system, this tribe uses a tubang tunggu
system with the following description.
First, tubang tunggu is a status given to girl
who was born first in a family. The females of the
tribe have a special position.
Second, the girl who is waiting tubang is the
heir of the estate of the parents of both home and
a field of rice fields.
Third, the inherited house and rice field should
not be traded by tubang tunggu. The results can be
used by the tubang tunggu or by other family
members.
Fourth, a tubang tunggu is an inheritor of her
parentswealth but she cannot sell the wealth. The
duty of a tubang tunggu is to call for the gathering
of the big family, to represent the big family, to
take care heritage, to respect meraje, and to obey
his orders, and to obey and to adhere customary
rules. When the siblings of the tubang tunggu are
gathered, the banquet is the result of the heritage.
Fifth, meraje is a brother of tubang tunggus
mother who is in charge of watching the tubang
tunggu. If he finds mistakes commited by the
tubang tunggu, meraje is obliged to reprimand.
The meraje can even take the treasure if the
mistake is considered fatal according to custom.
Sixth, if a family does not have a daughter, then
position of tubang tunggu falls to the wife of the
first son. Alternatively, the position falls to the
daughter of the tubang tunggus sister. However,
there is also a phenomenon in which a girl who do
not want to be a tubang tunggu, the family holds a
meeting to determine or to elect tubang tunggu.
Seventh, tubang tunggu is restricted by some
rules. (1) She must not reject a family member who
visits her house. (2) She cannot behave roughly on
her family. (3) She cannot sells the family
treasures. (4) She cannot mortgage the treasures
without permission and consideration from jurai
jenang (family meeting). (5) She cannot abandon
her unmarried siblings under her care as a
substitute for parents. (6) She cannot open the
family secrets.
In the perspective of the functional structure
theory, tubang tunggu has a function of integrity
and stability of a system (Saifudin AF., 2006: 64).
The focus of the theory, according to Haryanto
(2012) is that there are parties who adapt to the
tubang tunggu system among the inhabitants of
Gunung Agung village with the custom of tubang
tunggu, and vice versa. Therefore, there is
unification and application of the system among
the Semende people, which according to Soekanto
(2011) is very obedient to the custom. The process
of adaptation, unification, attainment of goals, and
the maintenance of traditional values of tubang
tunggu in Parsons theory is called latency.
The next adaptation is between tubang tunggu
and other family members, especially the males
(meraje). In the Semende tribe, the position of
meraje is still respected (Hutapea and Thamrin,
2009). The process of adaptation in Dahrendorfs
theory is between the class that has the dominant
authority, i.e. meraje, and the class that has no
authority (subject), i.e. tubang tunggu (Setiadi and
Kolip, 2011).
There are pros and cons concerning the
tradition of tubang tunggu inheritance-system
from the perspective of Islamic inheritance law.
Fauzi (2016) mentions that philosophically the
tubang tunggu system is not inheriting property
The Pattern of Tunggu Tubang Inheritance of Semende Tribe in Gunung Agung Village from the Perspective of Islamic Inheritance Law
13
(houses, rice fields, and gardens) for absolute
ownership, but rather trusting women in
maintaining family (jurai) from generation to
generation. He states that in the context of the
social change reality and maqashid al sharia
(virtue), the inheritance system of tubang tunggu
is not contrary to the Islamic law. Kurnaesih (2016)
suggests that the tubang tunggu system is not in
conflict with the Islamic Sharia. According to her,
tubang tunggu illustrates cooperation between
females who are obliged to take care of inheritance
and family; especially those who are not married
while male wander out the area to earn money and
the collect the results for the family.
Habidin (2012) has a contrast opinion since he
identifies tubang tunggu as a tradition (urf) of
management of inheritance; and is not as an
inheritance system. The goal is to avoid conflicts
between heirs. However, the tubang tunggu
system is not in line and aligned with the
perspective of the Islamic inheritance law system.
In the Islamic inheritance law, the wealth of a
deceased person is a heritage that must be
distributed to the heirs in accordance with the
provisions of the Sharia. Suryati (2013) analyzes
that the Islamic inheritance law is a response to the
injustice of pre-Islamic Arab heir system where
female children are not entitled to receive the
relics of relatives. The difference between men
and women (2:1) in the Islamic inheritance law is
not a matter of gender, but rather based on the
amount of burden on men as in the conventional
standard theory. Based on the principle of justice
(Syarifuddin, 2008: 24), the principle is in
accordance with the provisions of God. It is not the
will of the heirs (the principle of ijbari). The
inheritances are distributed after death (Muhibbin
and Wahid, 2009: 23 and 29).
The difference of share in the the Islamic
inheritance system is considered unfair for some
people. Therefore, few Muslims do not run it. Alis
(2014) shows that the cause of non-implementation
of Islamic inheritance law is a notion of fairness
and strong ties of people to the customary law of
inheritance.
4 CONCLUSION
Tunggu tubang has two function, namely as a
custom to preserve the treasures of family and to
give the position of heir to a female child that is
supervised by male children (meraje) with the aim
of maintaining heritage treasures and
strengthening family relationships. Keeping the
custom to strengthen the relationship among
family members is not contrary to Islamic sharia.
However, in the function of tunggu tubang as a
sole heir, it is contrary to Islamic inheritance law
because in the Shari’a, both male and female have
a strong right of inheritance.
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