Comparatives Study of Kinship Terms in Thai, Vietnamese and
Indonesian Language
Norma Pawestri
1
1
Language Center, International Relations Department, Faculty of Humanities, Bina Nusantara University, Jakarta,
Indonesia 11480
Keywords: Kinship Terms, Comparative Language Study.
Abstract: In social interaction, addressing someone is crucial as it show several social functions such as: recognition of
the social identity, the social position, the role of the addressee and of the interrelations between the addresser
and the addressee. A linguistic area that pays attention a lot in these social functions is “addressing terms”. In
order to use addressing terms, some factors such as the social status or rank of the other, sex, age, family
relationship, occupational hierarchy, transactional status, race or degree of intimacy are to be considered.
What to be done in this research were comparing the addressing terms specifically Kinship terms, in Thai,
Vietnamese and Indonesian. The data of kinship terms words were obtained from a native speaker of each
language. Each terms used in the 3 main areas of kinship terms namely main family kinship terms, extended
family kinship terms, marital relations or in law kinship terms were compared. By using descriptive qualitative
method, the phenomena of differences between kinship terms among the languages is later to be explained. It
was found that generally speaking, Thai and Vietnamese society seem to be more hierarchical than Indonesia.
In Thailand and Vietnam, family members have different names depending on their gender, seniority, age or
maternal or paternal side, and even relationship to the male line. There are however many similarities and
differences between these languages in some aspects such as: age and seniority, paternal and maternal side,
matrimony status, gender and politeness.
1 INTRODUCTION
In order to communicate with others, addressing
someone is crucial and it reflects several social
functions such as: the recognition of the social
identity, the social position, the role of the addressee
and of the interrelations between the addresser and
the addressee (Liu, X., Zhang, L., & Zhang, 2010).
There are several things we have to take into account
in using addressing terms, such as: the social status or
rank of the other, sex, age, family relationship,
occupational hierarchy, transactional status, race or
degree of intimacy.
The modern system of addressing terms in many
Asian countries are developed on the basis of ancient
or traditional system, inherited the tradition of
honorific titles and self-depreciatory titles, and
discarded many address terms which designated class
relations in feudal society. Compared with Asian
Countries, English-speaking countries have less
complicated address terms. In the system of address
terms, kinship term is the most important one that has
the closest relation with people, as it describes how
people refer to relatives by direct or indirect blood
and marriage and generally fall into four groups: main
family kinship terms, extended family kinship terms,
marital relations or in law kinship terms. Later,
kinship terms in the 3 languages of ASEAN countries
namely Thai, Indonesian, and Vietnamese were
studied due several reasons.
First, not only Thai plays the important role as the
official language of the Kingdom of Thailand, this
language is also spoken by 69.5 million people across
Indochina sub-region from India, southern China,
northern Myanmar, Laos, Thai, Cambodia, to North
Vietnam. Second, as for Indonesian Language, it is
chosen for the fact that Indonesia is the fourth most
populous nation in the world, and one of the most
linguistically complex one. Its ethnic groups speak
more than 500 languages and of this Malay, renamed
Bahasa, was chosen to be the sole national and
official language. Third, Vietnamese is chosen as it is
spoken around by 59 million people, not only those
who live in Vietnam and the neighbouring countries
Pawestri, N.
Comparatives Study of Kinship Terms in Thai, Vietnamese and Indonesian Language.
DOI: 10.5220/0010005200002917
In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Social Sciences, Laws, Arts and Humanities (BINUS-JIC 2018), pages 211-215
ISBN: 978-989-758-515-9
Copyright
c
2022 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
211
such as Laos, Cambodia, and Thailand, but also in the
United States (600,000) France (10,000), and to a
lesser extent in Canada, Australia, Senegal, and Cote
d'Ivoire.
In this paper, we mainly discuss kinship terms, as
they are classified using differences in genealogical
referents of kin terms. Kinship terms in different
speech communities are worth study. They are likely
to be different because different languages have
different linguistic resources to express what is
culturally permissible and meaningful. Kinship
systems convey important social information, but the
problem of the cultural meanings and correct
translations of kinship terminology has proved to be
intractable. To a great extent, this is because kinship
terms represent the competing realms of social and
genetic relatedness; thus, it cannot be assumed that
two or more persons for whom ego uses a single term
are socially indistinguishable. One method used by
anthropologists to avoid bias is the development of a
precise descriptive language. For example, when a
father and his brother are referred to by the same term
within a kinship system, the anthropologist may
express the position of father’s brother as “a male
agnatic relative of the ascending generation.”
Though many investigations have been conducted
to study kinship terms in different languages, South
East Asian languages has received tertiary attention
for rigorous studies. As a result, the present study is
an attempt to investigate the choice of address terms
by Thai, Indonesian and Vietnamese speakers.
General aim of the present research is to study and
analyse Kinship terms in the 3 ASEAN countries. To
be more specific, this study aims to answer the
following questions: 1. What are the different in the
terms used in the kinship terms of the 3 languages? 2.
How these terms reflect social values of the people in
the 3 countries.
2 METHODOLOGY
What to be done in this research were comparing the
addressing terms specifically Kinship terms, in Thai,
Vietnamese and Indonesian, hence we can describe
the “phenomena” of differences between the three
languages. The data of kinship terms words were
obtained from a native speaker of each language. I
then tried to compare each terms used in the 3 main
areas of kinship terms namely main family kinship
terms, extended family kinship terms, marital
relations or in law kinship terms. By using descriptive
qualitative method, the phenomena of differences
between kinship terms among the languages is later
to be explained.
3 BASIC CONCEPT OF
ADDRESSING TERMS AND
KINSHIP TERMS
The concept of address terms has long been an issue
of interest in linguistic studies, especially in
sociolinguistics. Many linguists have provided the
terminology and definitions to decipher phenomena
involved in addressing or naming other persons. To
Afful (Afful, 2006), addressing terms refer to the
linguistic expression by which a speaker designates
an addressee in a face-to-face encounter. Dicey’s
(Dicey, 1996) defines addressing terms as a speaker’s
linguistic reference to his/her interlocutor(s) is clearly
a very broad one so he made further divisions. He
gives an obvious linguistic classification of
addressing terms by their parts of speech, into nouns,
pronouns, and verbs which are further classified in to
‘bound’ and ‘free’ forms. Bound morphemes are
those integrated into the syntax of a sentence and free
forms are those not integrated in this way.
Proper use of address terms allows people to
identify themselves as part of a social group while an
inappropriate choice of address ceases good
interaction. They function as an indicator of
interlocutors’ social status as well as their social
distance, showing their emotions to the other side and
a means of saving one's face (Akindele, 2008). Apart
from the linguistic definition of addressing terms, it is
just as important to elucidate on the social function
and meaning of addressing terms. As Murphy
(Murphy, 1988) has elegantly put it, addressing terms
are socially driven phenomena.
Studies of addressing terms generally focus on
eliciting and comparing the systems of classification
or taxonomies of address systems in each language.
They also attempt to relate address terms to the socio-
cultural context or situations in which address terms
may occur. In other words, the study of addressing
terms is based on the sociolinguistic perspective
“addressing behaviour”. The main idea of this view is
that the way in which an addresser correctly uses and
selects address variants suitable for the addressee in a
given context, and variations in forms and uses of
address terms, reflects the relationship between the
addresser and the addressee, depending on the
differences in age, sex and social status.
Previous research carried out by linguists supports
the idea that addressing behaviour is normally
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influenced by social factors and linguistic
backgrounds. The classic and most influential study
of the differences in second-pronoun usage in several
European languages, which has become a model of
address term study is by Brown and Gilman (Brown,
R., & Gilman, 1960). They found that the use of
“familiar second pronoun T” and “polite second
pronoun V” was governed by two social features:
“power semantics” and “solidarity semantics”. Many
linguists who have studied address form systems have
also found that the use of address forms was based on
other social factors and linguistic background such as
demographic characteristics, age, sex, social class,
religious prohibition, economic status.
Ugorgi (Ugorgi, 2009) investigated politeness
strategies of address forms in Igbo, a national
language in Nigeria. The result showed some
different degrees of politeness between family and
social communication. He also concluded that age is
the most dominant social variable in Igbo families.
Mühleisen (Mṻhleisen, 2011) studied the forms of
address in Caribbean English-lexicon Creoles. She
stated that forms of address in the Caribbean are part
of a complex politeness system developed as a result
of the socio-historical conditions of the cultivation
system, transferred and continued from the West
African and European cultural and linguistic
traditions, as well as new innovations. The study
indicated that the plural form is used either to express
the plural addressees or positive and negative face
addressing. In any situations, the plural form is used
as a politeness device for instance to express
vagueness or indirectness when a speech act could be
otherwise interpreted as face-threatening. Hosseini
(Hosseini, 2009) focused on the way power
distribution is realized verbally by the two opposing
sides in the thesis defence sessions regarding
politeness principles. Nanbakhsh (Nanbakhsh, 2012)
examined the correlation between language use
(particularly address terms and pronouns), politeness
norms and social structure in contemporary Iranian
society.
Aliakbari and Toni (Aliakbari, M., & Toni, 2008)
categorized different types of address terms different
contexts, as (1) personal names, (2) general titles, (3)
occupation titles, (4) kinship related terms, (5)
religious oriented expressions, (6) honorifics, (7)
terms of intimacy, (8) personal pronouns, (9)
descriptive phrases and (10) zero-address terms.
4 KINSHIP TERMS IN THAI,
INDONESIAN AND
VIETNAMESE
4.1 Main Family Members (Blood
Related)
Main family members usually consist of father,
mother, brother, and sister. For the words father and
mother, there are no difference concept between Thai,
Vietnamese and Indonesian Language. For siblings
relationship, Indonesian Language only has 2 words
“kakak” means elder siblings (brother or sister) and
“adik” means younger siblings (brother or sister) but
Thai and Vietnamese has different words for siblings
relationship which is depend on the gender of the
siblings, and whether the siblings are elder or younger
than us. Thai use the word, “Phi” refers to older sister
or brother, and it again specified with “chai” to refer
to the male sibling and “sao” to refer to the female
sibling. Meanwhile, in Vietnamese to refer to older
sibling, it is more specific with the use of “ahn” for
older brother, and “chi for other sister and the word
“em” used to refer younger sibling. The gender of the
addressee then specified again with the use of “trai”
to refer male sibling, andgai to refer to female
sibling. It can be concluded that Indonesian
addressing terms referring to sibling relationship take
concern only on age gap from the speaker, while in
Thai and Vietnamese both age gap and gender play
important role in the society.
Figure 1: Kinship terms (main family members).
4.2 Wider Main Family Members
(Blood Related)
In wider family members, there are usually our
parent’s parents (grandmother and grandfather), our
Comparatives Study of Kinship Terms in Thai, Vietnamese and Indonesian Language
213
parent’s siblings (aunt and uncle) and their children
(cousin), our sibling’s children (niece and nephew).
For parent’s parents and Indonesian Language has
only the word “kakek” to refer parent’s father
(grandfather) and “nenek” to refer parents mother
(grandmother) whether it is from maternal or paternal
side. In contrary, Thai and Vietnamese differentiate
both grandmother and grandfather whether they are
from maternal or paternal side. For parent’s siblings,
Indonesian Language has the word “paman” to refer
our parent’s brother (uncle) whether it is from
maternal or paternal side and whether it is elder or
younger than our parents and Indonesian Language
has the word “bibi” to refer our parent’s sister (aunt)
whether it is from maternal or paternal side and
whether it is elder or younger than our parents. While
Indonesian language consider only the gender of
parent’s sibling like in English, Thai and Vietnamese
seems to be more complicated. Not only considering
the gender, to address parent’s siblings, Thai also
consider whether they are older or younger from our
parents. Vietnamese, being more detailed than Thai,
even also consider whether they are from maternal or
paternal side.
Figure 2: Kinship terms (wider main family members).
4.3 In Law Relationship
Indonesian seems to be less complex when it comes
to “in law relationship”. Indonesian Language has the
term “mertua to refer our spouse parents (our parents
in law). Vietnamese use the word “bo vo” to refer to
father in law and the word me vo to refer to mother in
law. Indonesian language use only the terms “ipar”
which means siblings in law to be added to the word
“kakak” (elder siblings) and “adik” (younger
siblings) to explain “in law” siblings relationship
without specify in the gender, whether we are the wife
or the husband or whether they are older or younger
siblings of our spouse. Vietnamese is a bit more
complex, since here they differentiate “in law” sibling
relationship based on the gender, and whether they
are older or younger than our spouse. Thai meanwhile
seems to be the most complex one since they divided
the “in law” sibling relationship based on the gender,
whether we are the wife or the husband or whether
they are older or younger siblings of our spouse, and
whether we are the wife or the husband in our
relationship. Here, we can see how gender and age
status play important role in Thailand, and play less
role in Indonesia.
Figure 3: In law relationship.
5 CONCLUSION
Addressing terms are a key to social concepts and
human relationship in a society. Different degrees of
status difference or intimacy need the choosing of
different forms of address. The connotations of Thai,
Indonesian and Vietnamese addressing terms are all
different and each gets different stylistic or emotional
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implications, and rules for their usage are quite
complex and they are also affected by a series of
social factors. In general Thai and Vietnamese society
is more hierarchical than Indonesia. This may not be
obvious to people new to Asian or Thai Culture but it
is shown both in terms of how people are addressed
and in terms of how people interact. In Thailand and
Vietnam, unlike in the West, family members have
different names depending on their gender, seniority,
age or maternal or paternal side, and even relationship
to the male line.
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