IS INTERNET ACCESS A HUMAN RIGHT?
A. T. Nuyen
Department of Philosophy, National University of Singapore, 3 Arts Link, 117570, Singapore
Keywords: Internet access, Right, Human right, Digital Divide.
Abstract: In June 2009, the highest court of France, The Constitutional Council, declared internet access to be a basic
human right. Many people are now campaigning to have it recognized as a human right by the United
Nations, along with those human rights already recognized by the world body. The main motivation behind
the campaign is the desire to close the digital divide, particularly that between rich and poor nations.
However, while having internet access recognized as a human right might go some way towards addressing
the digital divide issue, the theoretical case for recognition has not been clearly established. Without a solid
theoretical case, recognizing something to be a human right is a misunderstanding of the nature of that
something as well as of human rights. The former kind of misunderstanding may result in misdirected
efforts at promoting the activity in question and the latter in a debasement of human rights. This paper will
provide an account of human rights and will argue that on the basis of such account, internet access is not a
human right, even though it is an important right in itself and one that enables the promotion of other human
rights.
1 INTRODUCTION
One of the first acts of the newly created United
Nations was to adopt and proclaim, on 10 December
1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The human rights proclaimed in the Declaration
include the rights to “life, liberty and security of
persons” (Article 3), the rights not to be “held in
slavery or servitude” and not to be “subjected to
torture…” or to “arbitrary arrest” (Articles 4, 5 and
9), the rights to “recognition … before the law,” to
“equal protection of law” and to “effective remedy
… by law” (Articles 6-8) and various other rights
pertaining to “life, liberty and security of persons.”
Since 1948, various other “declarations” have been
made, enlarging the list of human rights, such as the
“rights of the child,” the “rights of indigenous
peoples” and so on. These rights have been formally
recognized in two international covenants and
several other international treaties and have become
enforceable.
In recent years, there has been a growing
recognition of, on the one hand, the importance of
internet access and, on the other, the inequality of
access. This recognition has led to a concerted effort
to have internet access declared a human right.
Indeed, the United Nations itself has made a
tentative move towards such outcome. In 2003, the
UN and the International Telecommunication Union
convened and organized the World Summit on the
Information Society with the aim of generating the
political will and formulating a concrete plan of
action for achieving the goals of the information
society in line with the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. No progress has been made since
then but this only motivates many activists to push
for the elevation of internet access to the status of a
human right. The activistseffort received a legal
boost in June 2009 when the Constitutional Council
of France, the country’s highest court, declared that
internet access is not just a human right but a
“fundamental human right” in its judgment against
an anti-piracy law. One activist, the Canadian
journalist and science fiction writer Cory Doctorow,
confidently predicts, in the blog Boing Boing that he
co-edits, that “in five years, a UN convention will
enshrine network access as a human right … In ten
years, we won’t understand how anyone thought it
wasn’t a human right” (Doctorow, 2009).
In all the calls for internet access to be
recognized as a human right, no effort is made to
define what a human right is and whether internet
access satisfies the conditions for something to be a
human right. It will be argued below that on a
287
T. Nuyen A.
IS INTERNET ACCESS A HUMAN RIGHT?.
DOI: 10.5220/0002764302870292
In Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Web Information Systems and Technology (WEBIST 2010), page
ISBN: 978-989-674-025-2
Copyright
c
2010 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
plausible account of human right, internet access
does not qualify as one, even though it is certainly
an important right and indeed one that is
instrumental to the promotion of human rights
proper.
2 INTERNET ACCESS AND
HUMAN RIGHTS
In a recent volume on human rights and the internet
(Hick et.al., 2000), the contributors argue
persuasively for the link between internet access and
the promotion of human rights, even though some
authors also acknowledge that abuses of the internet
can impede promotion efforts. Many contributors
claim that the internet has had a positive effect on
human rights work in two ways: (1) it “has become a
tool for the promotion and protection of human
rights, being utilized to obtain, communicate and
disseminate information” (Hick et.al., 2000: 7) and
(2) it “provides the obvious tool for rapid, cheap and
accurate information to be supplied and
disseminated in response” to human rights abuses
(Hick et.al., 2000: 7-8). More importantly, as “the
capabilities and capacity of the Internet increases
[sic], new uses and methods for promoting human
rights will continue to emerge” (Hick et.al., 2000:
8). However, many authors also have serious
reservations, claiming that the internet has been used
(or rather abused) by “the enemies of human rights,”
for which reason the editors choose to situate the
book in the middle ground between enthusiasm and
caution, “neither to champion nor to dismiss [the]
technology” (Hick et.al., 2000: 13). Works such as
that by Hick et.al., while establishing a strong link
between the internet and human rights, do not
provide any solid support for the claim that internet
access should be made a human right. None of the
authors in this volume makes such claim. For the
editors themselves, this is so because it is difficult to
balance the promise of the internet against the threat,
its positive effects against the negative ones.
However, many other authors have gone beyond the
positive effects of the internet on human rights
promotion and argued that there is a solid basis for
making internet access a human right.
Going beyond the volume by Hick et.al., Best (Best,
2004) argues that internet access should be made a
human right on the basis of Article 19 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 19
states: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion
and expression; this right includes freedom to hold
opinions without interference and to seek, receive
and impart information and ideas through any media
and regardless of frontiers.”
The relevant phrase, it
seems, is the following: “… the right … to seek,
receive and impart information and ideas…” Indeed,
Best cites this phrase, highlighting “seek, receive.”
His argument seems to be that since internet access
is the means to secure “freedom of opinion and
expression,” which is a human right, it too must be a
human right.
In a similar vein, Anne Peacock (Peacock 2005)
has appealed to Article 19 to argue for the claim that
internet access, or access to information
technologies generally, is a human right. However,
she has bolstered her argument with the claim that
making access to information technologies a human
right is the means to narrowing, if not closing, the
“digital divide” between rich and poor countries.
That there is a great digital divide is undeniable.
Indeed, it was only in September of 2009 that
undersea internet cables reached Africa! Peacock
suggests that we need to guarantee human rights in
practice rather than just on paper, and that only the
human rights approach to the digital divide will
bring this about.
There is no doubt that making internet access a
human right will considerably help towards closing
the digital divide and securing the human right to
“seek, receive and impart information and ideas.”
However, arguments offered by Best and Peacock
show at best that internet access is the means to
securing certain human rights (such as the right
declared in Article 19). The trouble is that just
because something is a means to promoting or
securing a human right, it does not follow that it too
is a human right. The means itself must be judged on
its own to see if there is any basis for putting it on
par with the end that it helps to promote. What we
need, and what is lacking in the arguments offered
by Best and Peacock, is an account of what a human
right is. Internet access is a human right only if it fits
such account. The folly of making internet access a
human right just because it is the means of securing
the declared rights can be seen by considering the
possibility that information technologies will in the
near future develop beyond, or away from, the
internet and the world wide web. Would it still be
considered a human right? How could a human right
cease to be one on the basis of a shift in
technologies? Notice that no matter how
technologies shift, the “right to freedom of opinion
and expression” as declared in Article 19, as well as
other rights, will remain human rights.
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It is important to base the judgment that
something is a human right on a conceptual basis not
just because of the risk that a declared human right
with no conceptual basis can cease to be one as
circumstances, technological or otherwise, change.
Human rights are an important protection against
injustice world-wide. Unless it is ensured that
something is recognized as a human right only if it
deserves to be so recognized, we run the risk of
undermining the existing rights, or diluting their
force and dignity. One undeserving right managing
to get recognized as a human right could well
encourage efforts to have all kinds of rights made
into human rights. Given the imperfect politics of
human rights, some such efforts might well succeed
and the danger is that if every right is a human right
then nothing really is.
What about the recent decision of the
Constitutional Council of France to declare internet
access to be a human right? It is important to keep in
mind the fact that the Council’s decision was made
in the context of a ruling against the French
Government’s law, passed two months earlier,
which would track activities that infringe copyright
and ensure that offenders would be deprived of
internet access. The Council’s decision should at
best be treated as an internal matter with no
international implications. Indeed, its moral basis is
rather dubious, being based on the claim that free
access to public communication services online is
implied in the “Declaration of the Rights of Man and
of the Citizen,” which is part of the preamble to the
French constitution. The “rights of man” referred to
in this “Declaration” are reserved only to free and
white men, specifically excluding slaves, women
and non-white people. Furthermore, critics of the
Council’s judgment have claimed that the Council
has ignored the rights of authors and artists. Indeed,
it might be argued that the judgment goes against
Article 17 of the UN Declaration which states that
everyone “has the right to own property” and “No
one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.”
3 HUMAN RIGHTS: A
CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS
What counts as a human right? One possible answer
is that it is whatever declared as such by an
international body such as the United Nations and
ratified by an acceptable number of nations. It is
perhaps this institutional approach to human rights
that underpins the various efforts to have internet
access declared a human right by the UN. However,
using this approach is like putting the cart before the
horse. The UN should recognize something as a
human right because it is conceptually one, not the
other way round. As a compromise, it may be
assumed that all the rights declared by the UN to be
human rights are already properly so and all we need
to do is to take their key characteristics to be the
defining ones and apply them to any candidate. This
approach is unsatisfactory because it assumes that
the UN is infallible in its judgments (which is not to
say, as we will see, that being recognized by an
international body like the UN is not part of being a
human right). Indeed, it may turn out that some of
the rights recognized by the UN as human rights
should not be so recognized. There does not seem to
be any way out of giving a conceptual answer to the
question “What counts as a human right?” In this
question, the stress is on “human” rather than on
“right.” Indeed, it will be taken for granted here that
a human right is a right and an account of it will
have to fit in with the account of right generally.
What a right is, in general, is well enough
understood. Skorupski’s formal statement captures
well enough the basic intuitions about rights:
X has a right to Y against Z if and only if it is
morally permissible for X or X’s agent to demand
that Z does not take Y from X, or does not prevent X
from doing Y, or delivers Y to X (as appropriate),
and to demand compensation for X from Z in the
event of damage resulting from Z’s non-compliance
(Skorupski, forthcoming: 7).
Rights defined as such entail “duties of right
such as the duties not to seize from others what
belong to them by right, not to harm or damage it,
and “to play a fair part in supporting legitimate
institutions” to ensure “fair distribution of jointly
owned resources” and to protect rights (Skorupski,
forthcoming: 9).
Skorupski’s account is perfectly adequate in
spelling out the moral content of a right. For my
purposes, however, it is useful to spell out the
logical requirements for having a right. In doing so,
it will be clearer how something can progress from
being a right to being a human right. Thus, it is
suggested that X has the right to Y if and only if:
(1) X has an interest in, or a desire for, Y, or would
have such interest or desire if X sufficiently
understands the nature of Y,
(2) It is not wrong for X to have an interest in or a
desire for Y, or to seek to obtain Y,
(3) It is wrong to prevent X from having Y, or to
deprive X of Y.
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(1) to (3) constitute the conditions for having a
right generally. They do not require any party to do
any specific thing to ensure that X has Y. Apart from
the negative duty to refrain from preventing X from
obtaining Y, no one has a positive duty to ensure
that X has Y. The right to have children does not
obligate any party to ensure that a couple have
children (by, for example, providing fertility
treatment). For a right to something to be claimable
against another party, we need:
(4) X has the right to Y against Z if and only if (1) to
(3) obtain and it is Z’s duty, or obligation, or
responsibility to ensure that X has Y.
The right to a job may be claimable against the
government if it is written in the country’s
constitution that every citizen is entitled to a job, or
if it is part of the platform of the political party in
power. Failure to ensure that X has a job may entail
compensation such as paying X unemployment
benefit, providing job training etc.
For something to be a human right, we need all
of (1) to (4) as well as:
(5) The interest in or desire for Y is universal among
humans,
(6) The possession of Y is intrinsically valuable and
the lack of Y is a serious deprivation,
(7) It is a duty of the international community to
ensure that the relevant Z discharge Z’s duty, or
obligation, or responsibility to X, or at least
encourage Z to do so,
(8) Z’s duty, or obligation, or responsibility to X is
clearly determinable, or alternatively, violation of
X’s right is clearly determinable.
(5) is required because for something to be a
human right, it has to be universally desirable across
all humans. It makes no sense to make the right, say,
to eat meat a human right (assuming that eating meat
satisfies (2)) because a significant proportion of
humanity has no interest in or desire for eating meat;
indeed many have an aversion to it. There are
borderline cases such as “the right to marry and to
found a family” as proclaimed in Article 16 of the
UN Declaration. One might defend the inclusion of
this right by arguing that, as things stand, the interest
in or desire for marrying and having a family
remains universal, and if there is any aversion to it,
the aversion is personal and not directed at others,
unlike the case of meat-eating where the aversion is
typically directed at meat-eaters. On the other hand,
there would be a case for dropping the right to marry
and to have a family from the list of human rights if
social trends moved significantly away from these
practices. Indeed, it might be argued that something
that depends so much on social trends should not be
regarded as a human right.
(6) is required because of the elevated moral
status of a human right. The point of making a right
into a human right is, in part, to indicate that the
violation of such right should be treated with utmost
seriousness. As Bernard Williams has put it, the
“charge that a practice violates human rights is
ultimate, the most serious of political accusations”
and “it is a mark of philosophical good sense that the
accusation should not be distributed too
inconsiderately…” (Williams, 2005: 27). It follows
that unless something is intrinsically valuable and
not having it is a serious deprivation, serious in the
sense of being a threat to human dignity, it does not
make philosophical good sense to elevate it to the
status of human right. For instance, the copyright of
software writers to their creations is, arguably, not a
human right because having copyright is valuable
but not intrinsically so and not having it is a
deprivation but not a serious one. Violation of
copyright is serious enough but it hardly counts as
the “ultimate, most serious of political accusations.”
Indeed, the decision of the French Constitutional
Council mentioned earlier implies that copyright is
not a human right.
(7) and (8) are required because, following from
(6), the point of making something a human right is
to underscore the seriousness of its violation and to
gather all the necessary political means to ensure the
enforcement of it. This means that if something is a
human right then it ought to be declared so by an
international organization such as the United
Nations, and the declaration ought to be ratified by
member nations. Furthermore, there ought to be an
adequate international mechanism of monitoring and
enforcement. Point (8) in particularly stipulates that
the right in question must be such that it is
determinable whether the right is respected or
violated (otherwise enforcement would be
impossible). For this to be so, Z’s duty to X has to
be a Kantian perfect duty, which Z either discharges
or fails to discharge, such as the duty to tell the truth,
rather than an imperfect duty, which is a matter of
degrees, such as the duty of benevolence. To
illustrate, Article 26 of the UN Declaration states
that everyone “has the right to education.” Without
qualification, the “right to education” fails Condition
(8) because it is not clear how to respect this right or
how to discharge the duty to provide education. To
be educated, or providing education, is a matter of
degrees. Sensibly, Article 26 goes on to specify that
“Education shall be free, at least in the elementary
and fundamental stages.” Put this way, the right to
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education “in the elementary and fundamental
stages” does satisfy (8) insofar as it is clear enough
whether any state respects this right or fails in its
duty of right.
Conditions (5) to (8) above are consistent with
Skorupski’s conditions: Something is a human right
only if it is “(a) an essentially universal right…, (b)
whose active enforcement and promotion it is
permissible for anyone, including all states, to
demand of any state…, (c) and which it is
efficacious to distinguish and recognize in
international law as demandable of any state”
(Skorupski, forthcoming: 18). Skoprupski calls (a)
the condition of “universality,” (b) of “cross-state
demandability” and (c) of “efficacy.” Skorupski’s
(a) corresponds roughly to (5) above and his (b) and
(c) reflect the concerns in (7) and (8). However, (7)
is somewhat weaker than “cross-state
demandability” and (8) spells out more clearly what
“efficacy” entails. All together, Skorupski’s
conditions entail (6) but it is worth spelling it out
more explicitly.
4 IS INTERNET ACCESS A
HUMAN RIGHT?
That internet access is a right is clear enough. The
interest in, or desire for, having access is
unquestionable. Indeed, with increasing wealth in
countries such as India and China, the demand for
access world-wide is accelerating at a fast rate (and
access will in turn fuel economic growth and
increase the demand for access even more). Internet
is a tool and as such it is neutral between legitimate
and illegitimate uses. Being neutral, the demand for
access is not wrong and indeed it is wrong to deny
access or prevent someone from having access
(without justification). Thus all three conditions ((1)
to (3) above) are satisfied. In some countries,
governments have made it a national policy to
provide internet access, or adding it to the list of
things that their citizens are accustomed to
receiving, as a matter of right, from their
governments, such as health care and education. For
such countries, Condition (4) is also satisfied,
making internet access a claimable right against
some specific entity, or making the provision of
access a duty of right.
Given its enormous potential to meet scientific,
commercial, educational and entertainment needs,
the right of access to the internet is a significant
right. Indeed, despite some reservations from human
rights promoters, the internet is widely recognized as
an essential tool in advancing human rights causes.
Furthermore, one effective way of closing the digital
divide is to make internet access a responsibility of
the world community. The case for making internet
access itself a human right is certainly weighty.
Nevertheless, given the account of human rights
above, it is not a human right; it would not make
philosophical good sense, to borrow Williams’
words, to have it recognized as a human right.
We can begin with the last Condition above.
Internet access is a matter of degrees, depending on
variables such as the extent of satellite connections,
bandwidths, broadband connectivity, wireless
networks and so on. If there is a duty to provide
access, it will be at best an imperfect duty (in the
Kantian sense), like the duty to be benevolent, which
does not entail any specific level of benevolence. As
such, it would be difficult to determine whether and
to what extent the responsible agent has fulfilled its
duty to provide access, or has failed in such duty.
Differently put, it would be difficult to determine
whether the right to internet access has been
respected or violated. It may be possible of course to
specify the level of access, or defining technically
the notion of “minimum access” to satisfy (8). If this
can be done then it is this minimum access that is the
candidate for the human right status.
Even if “minimum access” can satisfy (8), it is
likely to fail other conditions. Politically at least, it is
not clear how a case can be made out for making
“minimum access” a matter of “cross-state
demandability,” or making failure to provide it a
matter of international condemnation and sanction.
However, (7) above is a weaker condition than
Skorupski’s “cross-state demandability.” It may be
possible to make “minimum access” a matter of
great concern to the international community, great
enough to make it justifiable to put pressures on
those states that fail to provide it.
The test for making “minimum internet access” a
human right rests on whether (5) or (6) can be met,
and it does not look like it will pass the test. There is
clearly no universal interest in or desire for internet
access. Many people are perfectly happy with
having nothing to do with the internet. To be sure, it
is likely that every life is touched in some way by
the internet, but the fact remains that many people
would rather that their lives are free from it. Certain
evils may be necessary, even universally necessary,
but they remain evils to which there is, or ought to
be, an aversion rather than an attraction. Ubiquity is
IS INTERNET ACCESS A HUMAN RIGHT?
291
not the same thing as universal desirability.
Condition (5) is not met.
It has been conceded that the internet is a useful
tool generally and indeed essential for human rights
work. However, it remains a tool and its value lies in
being a tool. Thus, it is not intrinsically valuable,
that is, valuable of, in and by itself. Conceivably,
technologies will develop in such a way that it will
no longer be valuable, like many other valuable
technologies in the past. The value of an intrinsically
valuable thing (such as “life, liberty and security of
person”) does not depend on the whims of
technological progress, or anything else. In any case,
being deprived of internet access does not count as a
serious threat to human dignity and thus does not
count as a serious deprivation as stipulated in (6).
5 CONCLUSIONS
The importance of and the need for internet access
are undeniable. If it is declared a human right, there
is a good chance that progress will be made towards
narrowing the digital divide. The case for making it
such is certainly weighty. However, the moral status
of human rights is so lofty that it would be unwise to
admit into their ranks anything that fails certain
stringent conditions. Such conditions have been
proposed in this paper and it has been argued that
internet access, even of the minimum kind, fails to
meet the crucial ones.
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http://boingboing.net/2009/05/30/homeless-people-
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Hick, Steven, Edward F. Halpin and Eric Hoskins, 2000.
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Peacock, Anne, 2005. The Digital Divide and Human
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http://www.eumap.org/journal/features/2004/infohr1/p
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